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TOMORROW Governor Chris Patten returns to London to brief the British Government and the leaders of the opposition on the situation in the colony.

  With Chinese officials breathing fire and frothing at the mouth almost on a daily basis, it is hardly surprising that one contentious issue they will discuss is the top secret files of Hong Kong civil servants.

  Patten may also raise the vexed question of Hong Kong men having concubines and illegitimate children in China. It is a phenomenon caused by increased cross-border contacts but has snowballed into a serious social problem.

  But the fundamental problem which British politicians must address is what assurance they can offer to the Hong Kong people in the final 900 days of colonial rule.

  Last week Hong Kong was shaken by the barbaric and petulant behaviour of Lu Ping, Director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office.

  Speaking to Hong Kong journalists on television, Lu demanded the British administration hand over confidential files on senior Hong Kong civil servants.

  Unable to specify why he wanted them, Lu gave the impression that he was trying to pick a fight and demonstrate that he was in charge. While most people find such naked aggression shocking as well as distasteful, many are too scared to speak out.

  If Chinese officials can behave in such an arrogant and belligerent manner while the British are still running Hong Kong, what they will do when they actually take over in 1997 does not require too much imagination.

  Not only have the Chinese Government threatened to dismantle the three tiers of representative government in 1997, the current row over the composition of the court of final appeal has brought into question the future of the rule of law.

  I went to see Patten last Friday and urged him to put these problems to the British Government and to seek some reassurance from London.

  Given the deep uncertainty which will inevitably ensue with the passing away of Chinese paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, there is every reason to be apprehensive about the future. Lu's tempestuous performance could not frighten the British, but has terrorised the Hong Kong people.

  Assuming that Beijing's policy on Hong Kong remains unchanged in the next few years, the current hardline attitude will manifest itself in many ways.

  Faced with this stark reality, the British Government must admit the Chinese can do pretty much what they like in 1997. And Britain cannot predict what will happen in 900 days' time, nor have much influence on developments.

  AMID a sea of uncertainty, Britain should at least try to guarantee one basic freedom that the Hong Kong people cherish - the freedom of travel.

  Since discussions with the Chinese Government on travel documents and the right of abode in Hong Kong have reached an impasse, there is understandable concern about the usefulness of the British National (Overseas) (BNO) passports after 1997.

  As a magnanimous gesture, Britain could offer to underwrite the BNO passports by granting to all holders the right of abode in Britain. This will ensure that the 70 countries which currently offer visa-free treatment to Hong Kong visitors will not revoke that privilege after 1997.

  Patten should be able to explain to Prime Minister John Major and Labour leader Tony Blair that Britain would not be inundated as most Hong Kong people do not have the means or the desire to emigrate to Britain. All they want is an insurance policy in case things go horribly wrong.

  Since the British Government cannot guarantee that Hong Kong people's current free lifestyle will be maintained for 50 years after 1997 as promised in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the least they can do is empower the people by offering them a way out.

  The Hong Kong people's apathy and disillusionment is a source of deep comfort to British politicians. As a result, they seldom have to face embarrassing questions about Britain's unconscionable act. Nevertheless, the question of Britain's moral responsibility for the Hong Kong people is not going to go away. Like a bad penny, it will keep turning up.



Insurance against Beijing