Rebuke of envoys flags tougher approach
Superficially, the political rhetoric of Foreign Ministry officials against foreign diplomats for comment on democratic reform in Hong Kong hardly came as a surprise.
Even before United States Consul-General James Keith expressed support for universal suffrage in a speech early this month, he would have calculated the risk of a sharp rebuttal from the ministry.
And when the British Foreign Office minister Bill Rammell said he had told Beijing officials and Hong Kong's chief executive London wanted to see early universal suffrage in the city, he would have anticipated not-so-friendly feedback.
On Thursday, the ministry's commission in Hong Kong issued its second statement in less than a fortnight, this time criticising the two diplomats - without naming them - for making irresponsible comment on Hong Kong affairs.
A similar statement was issued earlier after Mr Keith's remarks.
Taking into account a number of unusual recent events and changes in the broader political scene, there are good reasons to believe Beijing's rebuke of the two foreign envoys might reflect a tougher and more active approach in guarding against foreign involvement in the Hong Kong issue.
Early this month, the semi-official Hong Kong China News Agency confirmed the detention of a former senior cadre at the Liaison Office for allegedly leaking state secrets and being involved with spying and corruption. He was accused of providing information to foreign intelligence agencies for cash.
Separately, mainland authorities have detained 24 Taiwanese who had allegedly spied for the Taiwanese government on the mainland.
It appears Beijing has stepped up its surveillance against intelligence, if not spying, activities of forces from outside the country in Hong Kong and the mainland.
The change of tack followed a top-level reshuffle of the Liaison Office and the ministry's commission in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally. With hindsight, the personnel changes were part of a strategy of boosting the role and work of the two offices.
This will be seen by Beijing as vitally important at a time when the Tung administration remains weak and both Hong Kong and Taiwan are entering uncharted political waters.
In Hong Kong, the coming consultation on constitutional reform will not only trigger fierce debate, but also refresh the interest of foreign governments in the Hong Kong issue. And with electors in Taiwan choosing a president in March and voting in legislative polls in November, the issue of democratisation is set to further compound the already sensitive relations between Beijing, Taipei and Washington.
Speaking on the spying allegations against Cai Xiaohong of the Liaison Office, a vice-director, Li Gang, raised some eyebrows when he commented it was merely the 'tip of an iceberg', noting Hong Kong had always been a base for foreign intelligence agents to spy on the mainland.
Mr Li's observation might still be true to an extent, even with the free flow of information in Hong Kong and the ease of visits across the border.
However, his reference to the role of Hong Kong as a base for foreign spying activities against the mainland is set to increase the sensitivity and complexities in the debate on a more democratic system.
Judging from the statement by four mainland legal experts on the political review early this month, there remain deep fears in Beijing that the principle of 'one country' would be jeopardised in the city's pursuit of democracy.
Beijing's rejection of the remarks on universal suffrage by foreign envoys might be mere political gesturing. The political cross-currents, however, do not augur well for Hong Kong people's aspirations for greater democratic participation.
