Put the case for Hong Kong too, Mr Tung
The importance of winning Beijing's trust has been one of Tung Chee-hwa's strongest themes since he first set his sights on becoming chief executive. This week, he went further than ever before in trying to explain how this is to be achieved. Mr Tung set out 10 steps which he said must be followed if we are to establish good relations with the mainland. Hong Kong, he said, had much work to do on this front.
Taken at face value, the points he raised are uncontroversial. They are best summed up by the first, which calls for 'mutual respect, trust and understanding'. Most Hong Kong people would agree strongly with that; few would disagree.
Mr Tung outlined his views on achieving better relations with the mainland during his question-and-answer session in Legco. The tenor of his remarks was to stress the need for respect, trust and understanding while underplaying the importance of the word 'mutual'. Building trust is not a one-sided affair: it requires effort by both sides. His road map will help Hong Kong people win the trust of the central government. But it does not recognise there is another side to the equation. There is no hint of an intention to put the case for Hong Kong.
The chief executive has a constitutional duty to be accountable to two masters. It is a difficult role to carry out. He is responsible to the central government, and here Mr Tung's track record is faultless. But he is also responsible to Hong Kong: the chief executive has a duty to represent the people he governs. Here, Mr Tung too often disappoints. The need to pay attention to both parts of the role has never been more important. Mr Tung is in the ideal position to act as an honest broker between Hong Kong and the mainland. But this, by definition, involves more than simply expressing support for the central government's views.
Certainly, the most constructive way forward in developing a better relationship is through dialogue rather than confrontation. And there can be no doubt this will require that the mainland's position is known and respected. But understanding, and trying to accommodate, the central authorities' views is not the same as accepting them blindly. Beijing must be presented with an accurate picture of the position in our city. Mainstream opinions, values and beliefs within Hong Kong should be truthfully reflected - even when they differ from those of people on the mainland. Mr Tung should be willing to talk to mainland officials about the Hong Kong he governs and its people - their traits, their hopes and their aspirations, political as well as economic.
The chief executive's duties go beyond making such views known. He should be explaining them and helping the mainland understand them. Perhaps he does this in private, but there has been little sign of it publicly in recent times.
Mr Tung might profitably read again comments he made in 1996, when he was a candidate for the top job, setting out his blueprint for the future. Then, as now, he emphasised the need to establish a working relationship with the mainland based on mutual understanding and trust. Then, as now, he stressed that consensus was better than confrontation. However, at that time he put forward these principles in a more balanced way. He also spoke of the need for a strong government to stand up for Hong Kong. Negotiation, he said, does not mean spinelessness.
In previous speeches, Mr Tung has suggested the trust of the central government had already been won. Take his 2001 policy address, for example. He praised efforts to uphold the rule of law and maintain our city's 'liberal and open systems'. He added: 'In this, we have the full trust of the central government.'
Presumably, that trust was lost, or battered, when 500,000 people marched on July 1. Mr Tung, as Hong Kong's leader, can and should help rebuild it. That will require him not only to support the central government but also to back Hong Kong and its people.
