A change in attitude
Vice-President Zeng Qinghong's visit to Hong Kong marks the beginning of a new phase in the special administrative region's relationship with the mainland, one in which Beijing will pay much closer attention to SAR affairs and at the same time be guardedly willing to allow Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen a freer hand.
It is good that Mr Zeng, who was given the Hong Kong portfolio after the massive protest on July 1, 2003, has finally come to see what the people are like and what they want.
The invitation of all 60 members of the Legislative Council to dinner - including the democratic camp - must have required considerable thought. This, taken together with the invitation of all 60 legislators to Guangdong province, represents a clear change in Beijing's tactics.
State Councillor Tang Jiaxuan , in Canada with President Hu Jintao , said it is 'natural and normal' that all legislators be invited to the banquet. That is certainly true. But this underlines that, for the last eight years, the situation has been unnatural and abnormal, with state leaders ignoring Hong Kong's elected legislators and, in effect, the voters.
During his visit, Mr Zeng went out of his way to show that he cared about Hong Kong and its people. He used a few words of Cantonese each time he gave a speech, and - almost like a Western politician - mixed with the ordinary people. He appeared relaxed and approachable everywhere he went, leaving a good impression on the people he met.
No doubt, one key purpose of the visit was to demonstrate Beijing's support for the new chief executive. The central government wants to reassure itself - as well as the people of Hong Kong - that it has made the right choice this time around.
Mr Tsang carries a great responsibility. He must govern Hong Kong, but he cannot do this without the support of the central government as well as that of the people here. Moreover, he cannot govern well if he is perceived as nothing more than Beijing's puppet. Chinese leaders must realise this. For their chosen man to govern well, they must allow him a certain amount of leeway to make key decisions.
Right now, the main decision is how the chief executive and legislature will be chosen in 2007 and 2008. The central government has ruled out universal suffrage, so Mr Tsang's options are already circumscribed.
But within these limits, Beijing should allow Mr Tsang to do what he can to implement the Basic Law's provision for 'gradual and orderly progress' towards the ultimate goal of universal suffrage.
No doubt, Beijing also would like to see some progress. An absolute lack of movement would be difficult to square with the Basic Law's requirement of gradual progress. Besides, Beijing will look better to the international community if it can point to some advancement towards greater representation, even in the absence of universal suffrage.
To achieve this goal, however, the co-operation of the democratic camp is required, since without it, it is not possible to get the endorsement of two-thirds of the legislature.
For their part, the democrats should accept that although universal suffrage has been ruled out in the near term, it is still possible to make some progress in the next few years.
Beijing's attitude towards Hong Kong is clearly changing. But it is unclear whether Mr Zeng and his associates are willing to go far enough or fast enough. In Hong Kong, Mr Zeng talked a great deal about stability and prosperity. However, he gave no indication that he recognised the role of political reform in achieving this goal.
Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator
