In October 2000, when Tung Chee-hwa's first term as chief executive still had almost two years to run, top Beijing officials - including president Jiang Zemin , premier Zhu Rongji and vice-premier Qian Qichen - openly declared their support for a second term for Mr Tung. As a result, no-one in Hong Kong stepped forward to run as a candidate: the chief executive was declared re-elected without an election.

Obviously, Beijing has learned a lesson. It is aware that Hongkongers want to see a contested election, and so will not make the same mistake.

The leaders have learned to keep their mouths shut at the proper time. This is also evident in their attitude towards Taiwan, where they learned after presidential elections in 1996 and 2000 that threats are counterproductive, and only help those who advocate Taiwanese independence.

In the case of Hong Kong, Beijing showered blessings on Mr Tsang not simply through its rhetoric, but with concrete acts such as allowing an expansion of yuan business in Hong Kong and giving the city two more pandas. This last is quite extraordinary, as giving any country - or city - more than two pandas is rare, if not unprecedented.

While Premier Wen Jiabao , too, praised the chief executive, he was a little more circumspect, cautioning Mr Tsang to 'maintain a clear head and calmly see the problems that we face'.

One cannot help feeling that the meetings between Mr Tsang and central leaders was very much like that between a schoolboy and the principal, with the chief executive listening attentively while receiving advice or admonishment. While this may increase transparency, it is not good for Mr Tsang's image in Hong Kong.

Performance assessments, after all, are almost always given in private - certainly not in front of television cameras.

By contrast, one cannot recall any similar sessions between colonial governors and the British prime minister. Governors were dismissed as a result of incurring displeasure in London, but were never given public dressing-downs.

There is a difference between governors and chief executives, naturally. The latter are not merely appointed by the government, but are the product of an election - even though the poll falls short of the legitimacy conferred by universal suffrage.

Given Beijing's propensity to treat the chief executive like a subordinate, subject to public praise and reprimands, it is not surprising that lower-level officials get similar treatment, not just in the capital but in Hong Kong as well.

Whenever a central leader visits Hong Kong, there is always an occasion when he meets with senior officials and delivers a lecture - sometimes a simple pep talk; occasionally something more.

The chief justice is almost always included on these occasions. Beijing, no doubt, sees the head of the judiciary as just another official. But this is not the case in Hong Kong.

The chief justice should not be treated like just another bureaucrat. He is not a part of the government, and should not be in the audience when a central leader delivers a message from Beijing. Hong Kong should inform the central government about this.

As for the chief executive's duty visits to Beijing, he should give a report to the Legislative Council on his return, relating what transpired in private talks. He always meets the press after each session, but that is not the same as meeting with the elected representatives of the Hong Kong people.

Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator.