That said, central officials are now getting serious about it and no longer evade the issue.

Universal suffrage is really on the agenda, even though the road map has yet to be worked out.

Beijing has let it be known that it is worried about universal suffrage producing a chief executive-elect not acceptable to it. Finding a formula to square Beijing's power of appointment with Hong Kong citizens' right to elect their leader is crucial to a strategic compromise.

As far as the system goes, the central government's veto power already provides a means to solve any constitutional crisis.

However, much like the ultimate power to interpret the Basic Law by the National People's Congress, such constitutional veto is better kept in reserve and not exercised indiscriminately.

One can understand that Beijing would not appoint as chief executive someone seeking to champion a separatist cause or subvert the national government.

But there is suggestion that it is also wary of the democratic camp gaining power through universal suffrage.

This baffles many democracy supporters. For one thing, fighting for democracy can coexist with loving the nation. Besides, public opinion polls during the last chief executive election showed clearly that a pan-democrat candidate unable to communicate with Beijing would fail to get widespread public endorsement. Democrats have either to reconcile with Beijing or to stay put as an opposition.

Any constitutional design must provide fair play. Whether democrats get elected should be left to the choice of the population; this is what universal suffrage is.

Even if the chief executive nomination committee is modelled on the existing election committee and the nomination threshold still set at the same level of 100 members as now, that would mean there could be up to eight candidates passing the threshold.

After that, the nomination committee could vote for up to four candidates who would be put forward for election by universal suffrage.

Implementing universal suffrage is not just a cause of the pro-democracy movement. It should also be a matter of priority for both the central and SAR governments, whose leadership is crucial in steering Hong Kong towards a road map that can accommodate various interests and concerns.

Without such leadership, it is hard to envisage how different parties and sectors can come around to a way to abolish functional constituencies in the legislature, whether in one go or by phases.

As long as the Basic Law is treated as a 'living constitution', there is ample room within the existing framework for constitutional development.

The executive and legislature can develop institutional conventions and practices to enhance checks and balances and mutual facilitation.

Legislators should have a role to play in policy initiation through private member's bills, with the chief executive giving his consent in the spirit of collaboration.

Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen has announced that his new government is committed to 'going into the masses'.

As such, new forms of public engagement and political inclusion should be encouraged.

All politics being local, more emphasis should be given to reinvigorating district administration, making district councils the focal points for solving local problems, and for promoting good governance at a level closest to the common folk.

Anthony Cheung Bing-leung is an executive councillor and founder of SynergyNet, a policy think-tank