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By-election plots

My comments last week about the upcoming by-election for a Legislative Council seat sparked a lot of speculation. Some questioned my political motive for writing the column: was it to discourage voters from supporting Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee, the former secretary for security? Was I motivated by the idea that Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen sees her successful entry in the legislature as a shortcut to filling the city's top post in 2012?

Well, no: that argument is unfounded. Obviously, the government would not want to see a candidate from the opposition win the by-election instead of Mrs Ip, who is close to the establishment. Second, despite her obvious political ambition, it is doubtful whether Beijing would pick Mrs Ip as the next chief executive, even if she were elected a lawmaker.

Mrs Ip's enthusiasm for, and dedication to, politics are beyond question and deserve applause. However, she was an administrative officer of only average ability. The way she handled the Article 23 national security legislation and the right of abode issue for mainlanders led to widespread discontent, which still lingers.

It is also unrealistic to link Mrs Ip's so-called political loyalty with Beijing's trust. If loyalty has anything to do with the endorsement of the central authorities, then Executive Council member Leung Chun-ying, who is also known for his loyalty to Beijing, and Chief Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen, who has wide connections on the mainland, also qualify for Beijing's support as chief executive candidates.

Almost no candidates have shown any determination or courage to fight for the cause of democracy, except for the Democratic Party's Kam Nai-wai and the League of Social Democrats' Lo Wing-lok. Some political figures - such as Cyd Ho Sau-lan, League of Social Democrats chairman Wong Yuk-man, and former chief secretary Anson Chan Fang On-sang - have been caught up in calculations, pondering the political cost should they contest, and lose, the race.

They have yet to realise that the false impression that Mrs Ip has a good chance of winning is largely a creation of some members of the media. The suspicions and different, hidden agendas among the pan-democrats have helped by rendering them targets of mockery. Some recent opinion polls have also misled people into thinking that Mrs Ip is likely to win the by-election as the only pro-government candidate.

The pan-democratic camp hasn't helped itself with its lack of decisiveness in choosing a candidate. It should by no means underestimate the scope of its support and influence among voters.

The by-election is a race between the pan-democrats and the establishment. The elected lawmaker will serve only seven months in Legco, but those with genuine aspirations to fight for democracy in Hong Kong should not use that as a pretext for not running. As long as the pan-democrats stand together behind one candidate, they should win support from voters.

The pan-democrats' decision to choose a candidate by negotiation suffered a setback when Ms Ho suddenly pulled out, to support Mrs Chan's bid to run.

If Mrs Chan decides to be a contestant then she, like any other pan-democratic candidate, must undergo a selection process for the sake of democracy. Further, although Mrs Chan's participation could benefit from her celebrity status, many still raise doubts as to whether she can speak for democracy.

For Hong Kong's democratic cause, anybody who is capable enough and has a good enough reputation, such as former director of broadcasting Cheung Man-yee, former lawmaker Christine Loh Kung-wai, media magnate Jimmy Lai Chi-ying and even tycoon Richard Li Tzar-kai should come out to run for the election. Mrs Chan, who paid mere lip service to the democracy cause when she gave up on the last chief executive election, is not necessarily the best choice.

Albert Cheng King-hon is a directly elected legislator

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