A bridge Anson Chan needs to build
On April 19, 2001, Anson Chan Fang On-sang, then the outgoing chief secretary, delivered a luncheon address to the Asia Society. It was her swan song as she prepared to bow out of the political scene.
'It is wonderful to be part of Hong Kong's history,' she said, 'and I hope that history will be kind to me ... This is the last major speech I shall give in my official capacity but it will not, I daresay, be the last time I speak up for Hong Kong.'
Well, 61/2 years later, Mrs Chan again has an official capacity, this time as a member of the Legislative Council. She can be expected to speak up frequently and forcefully for what she believes to be in Hong Kong's best interests.
In that Asia Society speech, Mrs Chan made several points that are worth recalling today. 'Name-calling and suspicion based on outdated and emotive political labels are no substitute for reasoned discussion,' she said. 'Why do some people insist on using terms like pro-China or anti-China? Or even pro-British? Surely we are all pro-Hong Kong.' Those words are worth remembering in the aftermath of her excoriation by a leader of the 'pro-China' camp - Secretary for Home Affairs Tsang Tak-sing.
Mr Tsang has a deep - and understandable - antipathy for British colonialism, partly because he was jailed as a teenager 40 years ago. He was profoundly offended, 10 years ago, when Newsweek magazine identified Mrs Chan, then the top Chinese official in the colonial administration, as 'the conscience of Hong Kong'.
No doubt, his feelings were exacerbated because Mrs Chan, in her recent maiden address, asserted that democracy and improving people's livelihood were inextricable. Mr Tsang taunted her by asking if she had really been working for the people's livelihood as part of the British administration, when there was no democracy. This episode underlines the need in Hong Kong for greater social harmony and understanding.
Mrs Chan has set for herself the job of bridge builder to improve relations between Hong Kong and the central government. That is a worthwhile, but extremely onerous, task. A first step might be winning Mr Tsang's friendship and understanding.
Similarly, Mr Tsang could take a concrete step towards that goal by trying to see things from Mrs Chan's viewpoint without necessarily agreeing with her. After all, one day after the Legco incident, he declared publicly that it was his duty as home affairs chief to promote harmony.
Mrs Chan is not implacably opposed to the central government. In her Asia Society address, she lavished praise on Beijing for allowing Hong Kong its high degree of autonomy. If Mr Tsang and Mrs Chan can work out their differences amicably, it would be a great step towards the improvement of social harmony in Hong Kong and relations between the pan-democratic camp and Beijing.
Mrs Chan, both before and after the by-election, emphasised her political independence - as did her rival, Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee. Interestingly, however, each found it necessary to ally themselves with one of the two big political camps in the legislature. This shows that, while Hong Kong's political parties are still not mature, their help is virtually indispensable even for hugely influential personalities like Mrs Chan and Mrs Ip to become credible candidates.
As for a bridge between Hong Kong and the central government, that role belongs properly to the chief executive. According to the Basic Law, that person is both the leader of the special administrative region and Beijing's representative in Hong Kong.
Donald Tsang Yam-kuen's dual role makes him the natural bridge in that regard, and hence also between the pan-democratic camp and Beijing. The question is whether he sees himself playing that role, and the extent to which he is willing to plead Hong Kong's case.
Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator.
