The prospect of fierce competition is likely to see echoes of four years ago when The Frontier's Ricky Or Yiu-lam retained the Kwong Ming precinct in Tseung Kwan O from independent Simon Shi Hau-kit by just five votes.

This November's battle will highlight the increasing fragmentation of local politics.

In the past, there were two distinct political streams - the Beijing-loyalist bloc led by the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, and the pan-democratic camp dominated by the Democratic Party - plus independents with, on paper at least, no political affiliation.

The public's growing political awareness has given rise to new groups. To the pan-democratic camp was added the Civic Party and the League of Social Democrats, who both contested the last polls in 2007. Since then, there has been People Power - an offshoot of the league - and the NeoDemocrats.

On the pro-government side, Liberal Party members broke away to form Economic Synergy and former security minister Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee created the New People's Party.

Within the Beijing-loyalist and pan-democratic camps, candidates will be standing against members of the same camp.

For example, People Power, led by Wong Yuk-man, will field candidates against key Democratic Party candidates in what Wong says will be revenge for the party's negotiations with the central government's local representatives last year that secured the passage of electoral reforms.

Not all district councillors are elected; some are appointed, much to the disapproval of the pan-democratic camp. However, the appointment system may be on its last legs.

Constitutional affairs minister Stephen Lam Sui-lung has pledged to issue a proposal before this year's polls for the abolition of appointed seats. The scrapping of these seats could be done in two or three phases.

In the most recent council elections in 2007, a total of 405 councillors were elected and 102 appointed. In 2003, the ratio was 400:102; in 1999, 390:100. Not one of the appointees with political affiliations over all those years was from the pan-democratic camp.

Among the 102 appointees serving at present, seven are from the Liberal Party, 14 from the DAB and one from the New Century Forum.

Appointees were chosen to 'ensure that no district council is in the hands of the democrats', according to Lingnan University political analyst Professor Li Pang-kwong.

Sham Shui Po councillor Ambrose Cheung Wing-sum began his public life in 1982 as a government-appointed member of a district board (district boards became district councils in 2000). When his three-year term ended, Cheung eschewed reappointment and stood instead for election. He has been returned to his seat at every poll since.

'I'm against the appointment system,' said Cheung, 60. 'After accepting the appointment in 1982, I decided against doing so again because I felt my life was decided by the government, not by voters.'

Hongkongers got their first taste of local administration in 1982 when the colonial government set up district management committees and boards in all 18 administrative districts. The district boards were designated statutory bodies charged with providing 'a better forum for public consultation and participation at district level'.

Since then the boards, and later the councils, have been forums for discussion of district issues and platforms from which political groups can reach out to neighbourhoods.

Transport is a key issue for residents and councillors. First elected in 1982, Tuen Mun veteran councillor So Shiu-shing has spent three decades helping to develop the district's transport links.

'The happiest thing during my term of office is seeing the construction of the Tuen Mun Road bus interchange, which will make transport more convenient for residents,' he said. 'I am very glad to run for one more term to see the work on the interchange completed next year. After that I can retire,' said the 71-year-old, who started serving the district when poor transport links made it very much a remote corner of the New Territories.

He recalls that elections in the early years were much less about politics than today. 'In the past, canvassing was all about friendship. Nowadays the elections are much more politicised, and residents have much higher expectations of councillors' performance.'

The 20,000 people of his constituency, Sham Shing, are spread among public and private housing blocks as well as rural villages, and most of the calls to councillors for help come from the grass roots. 'Middle-class residents rarely contact councillors unless there is something really big. Rural villagers usually talk to their village leaders when in need of help. Those who come to me are mostly residents of public housing.

'Voters' demands have changed a lot as they now enjoy better living conditions. In the past they would expect district councillors only to fight for one or two more local bus routes. Now they are asking for more transport services to Hong Kong Island, Tsim Sha Tsui, Mong Kok and even the airport.'

Cheung, who serves a very different constituency, the solidly middle-class seat of Mei Foo Sun Chuen, agrees with So that the electoral landscape has changed. 'The quality of voters is rising. They are now better educated, economically better off and have experienced a number of crises in Hong Kong,' Cheung said.

'Compared with the 1980s and the 1990s, residents are now much more outspoken. In the past they would not speak out. Nowadays they not only talk on phone-in radio talk shows, but know how to exercise their rights, such as by joining protest marches to make their voices heard.'

Cheung points to a headline-grabbing protest in April in his district when hundreds of Mei Foo Sun Chuen residents lay down in a street to oppose a high-rise project just metres from their homes.

Residents increasingly expect help from councillors on such issues. A Chinese University study conducted during the 2007 district council elections found more than 70 per cent of voters considered candidates' performance on district issues when deciding who to vote for, while political affiliation, by contrast, mattered to less than 35 per cent of those surveyed.

While constitutionally, councils generally have only an advisory role, the government has gradually been increasing their role and expanding their duties, making councillors' jobs more meaningful.

Political scientist Dr Elaine Chan Yee-man, of Hong Kong University, said the government devolved various powers to district councils when it abolished the urban and regional councils under a now-defunct three-tier government system and brought in the current two-tier system.

Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen has on many occasions vowed to strengthen district administration. In his 2007 policy address, he announced the allocation of extra resources and powers to councils for instituting minor works projects and to hold leisure and cultural activities in their communities.

Cheung said: 'At first, district boards were just very small district consultation bodies. Now their roles have been expanded. Their management and administrative powers are gradually increasing.'

But he, like So and others, admits the situation is still far from ideal, with the councils' potential still not regarded highly enough by the government. 'Operations are still dominated by the government. Through the decades I haven't really seen the government regarding district councils highly,' he said.

So said: 'Tsang's high-level agenda has nothing to do with me. Compared with some foreign countries, I find our district councils very backward. The government is not at all obliged to do things councils ask it to do.'

Perhaps the heat of more highly contested elections, combined with the likely abolition soon of appointed councillors, will help councils forge a deeper role in their communities and city government.

38.8%

The voter turnout percentage for the 2007 district council elections. In the 2003 election, the turnout was 44.1 per cent