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Cary Huang
SCMP Columnist
What the Mainland Media Say
by Cary Huang
What the Mainland Media Say
by Cary Huang

Corruption bust show's PLA's biggest threat, for now, lies inside

State media hail new graft probes into 16 officers as a sign of progress, but many people see them asthe tip of the iceberg

China's military recently took the unprecedented step of announcing that 16 military officers had been put under investigation in 2014 for suspected graft.

The list included some names that had been released before, such as former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission Xu Caihou, the most senior military leader to be probed for corruption since 1949. New names include Yu Daqing, deputy political commissar of the Second Artillery Corps, China's nuclear forces; and Liu Zheng, the deputy head of the PLA's Logistics Department, who replaced General Gu Junshan, himself charged with graft in late 2012.

Major state media welcomed the decision.

The said it marked "progress in the army's anti-graft campaign and its willingness to subject itself to the people's supervision".

The said the new batch of investigations highlighted the severity of the problem within the army. The paper's English-language edition said "heavy-handed gestures" were required "to serve as a warning against hidden corrupt officers".

In recent years, it has become an open secret that the People's Liberation Army is riddled with bribery, embezzlement, corruption, and jobs for sale. Still, the nation has been alarmed by reports of some high-profile cases, such as Xu's and Gu's.

Reports said investigators needed 10 trucks to haul away a stash of calligraphy, gold, jade and a one-ton pile of cash in US dollars, renminbi, and euros, found in the basement of Xu's 2,000-square metre luxury residence. Investigators also needed four trucks to cart off cash, 20 crates of expensive liquor, a gold boat and a gold statue of Mao Zedong from Gu, who was Xu's protégé. Both generals are accused of making billions of dollars by selling hundreds of positions.

The crackdown in the army comes amid a call from President Xi Jinping, commander-in-chief of the 2.3 million-strong armed forces, to build a combat-ready force capable of projecting power across the disputed waters of the East and South China seas.

The army has not fought a war in decades and the world is still calculating how far a four-fold jump in defence spending over the past ten years has advanced China's military might.

But military analysts risk underestimating the impact of corruption on the army's combat readiness.

Many people believe corruption is far more widespread than has been revealed, and that the cases of the 16 officers are just the tip of the iceberg.

People can hardly rely on a corrupt military for defence.

For instance, the widespread practice of selling jobs will result in inferior personnel. It also leads to a vicious circle as officers who have paid for their places seek to recoup the cost.

Kickbacks and embezzlement in procurement will mean corners are cut and capability reduced.

Corruption in other sectors incurs economic losses. But corruption in the military costs national security. Last year, China marked the 120th anniversary of the first Sino-Japanese war, known as the War of Jiawu, in which the Chinese navy was defeated. Military analysts agreed that China lost that war not because of its military or technology, but because of the corruption and incompetence of the Qing Dynasty. Historians see that war as the defining point when power in East Asia shifted from China to Japan.

A corrupt Chinese military is good news for the nation's rivals, who fear its fast-rising power.

But it is in China's utmost national interest that Xi should first wage a real war, not against Japan over the disputed Diaoyu islands, but against the graft among the rank and file.

If China is to avoid the risk of more national humiliation it must recognise that the biggest adversary, for now, lies within.

This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: Corruption bust shows PLA's biggest threat is on the inside
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