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OpinionComment

How can we resolve the conflicts in Hong Kong and ensure ‘one country, two systems’ thrives?

Jasper Tsang says that, as Legco president, his biggest regret is not having been able to improve relations between Hong Kong’s lawmakers and Beijing

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<p>Jasper Tsang says that, as Legco president, his biggest regret is not having been able to improve relations between Hong Kong’s lawmakers and Beijing</p>
Jasper Tsang
Throughout the past 19 years, the gap between the two sides has grown wider and wider, contrary to what we had expected during the first few years of the SAR.
Throughout the past 19 years, the gap between the two sides has grown wider and wider, contrary to what we had expected during the first few years of the SAR.
On a couple of recent occasions, I was asked what would be the one thing during my tenure as president of the Legislative Council that I would regret most. I have the answer.

I was first elected president in 2008, 10 months after the central government announced that in 2017, we could elect the chief executive by universal suffrage, followed by electing the whole legislature by popular vote. The news came as a welcome surprise to many, including some democrats. However, I knew that it would not be easy to arrive at an agreement on how the election by universal suffrage should be arranged.

I knew then it would be controversial how nomination of the candidates should take place when we try to achieve the final goal in Article 45

Earlier, I had had a talk with a Chinese official in charge of Hong Kong affairs, and he had told me, “It is much safer to have the chief executive elected by universal suffrage according to Article 45 of the Basic Law, than to open up all seats in the legislature to popular election, in accordance with Article 68. In electing the chief executive by universal suffrage, we have a safety net, the nomination committee as provided for in Article 45.” The official was confident that the nomination committee would not allow anyone unacceptable to the central government to become a candidate in the chief executive election.

I knew then it would be controversial how nomination of the candidates should take place when we try to achieve the final goal in Article 45. It would be impossible to arrive at a consensus if we did not have the people of Hong Kong, represented by the various political parties, especially the democrats, having a meaningful dialogue with the central government. I also believed that if we failed to bring in election of the chief executive by universal suffrage in 2017, it would deal a very serious blow to people’s confidence in “one country, two systems”.

READ MORE: Full coverage of the political reform vote

Hong Kong legislators pose in front of the Hong Kong Pavilion at the World Expo in Shanghai. Photo: Fanny Fung
Hong Kong legislators pose in front of the Hong Kong Pavilion at the World Expo in Shanghai. Photo: Fanny Fung
So I took it upon myself, as president of Legco, to create as many opportunities as possible for my colleagues in the legislature, especially from the democrats’ camp, to engage in dialogue with Chinese officials who can represent the central government on Hong Kong policies. I had hoped that by doing so, we could increase the chance of the two sides reaching an agreement.
The way things have gone in the past couple of years has put the sustainability of the ‘one country, two systems’ policy at stake
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