Opinion | Why talk of an independent Hong Kong fails the test of reality

Regina Ip says Hong Kong’s history shows clearly that it never had the kind of autonomy advocates of independence seek, and while the students can be naive, the adults should really know better

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A student protests against the introduction of national education in 2012. In the past few years, young people’s dissatisfaction with the status quo has grown. Photo: EPA

Published: 12:02pm, 7 May 2016Updated: 11:45pm, 7 May 2016

The idea of Hong Kong independence was first mooted on a website, Hong Konger Front, in 2004. It advocated building an independent Hong Kong “nation” by referendum. As the relationship between mainland China and Hong Kong was stable at that time, the website drew little public attention.

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In 2011, the relationship began to deteriorate, following the influx of mainland women coming here to give birth and the spike in parallel trade in powdered milk and other daily necessities. The resultant disruption and tension spawned a slew of radical localist groups, which staged anti-mainland protests under the banner of protecting local interests. Some even challenged China’s sovereignty by unfurling the British colonial flag and demonstrating outside the People’s Liberation Army’s barracks in Central.

The Hong Kong independence movement gained traction in the wake of the debate on universal suffrage for the chief executive election. In 2014, the University of Hong Kong student union published a series of articles urging self-determination by the “Hong Kong race”. In recent months, advocates of independence have stepped up their ideological push by publishing further statements.

Protesters wave the Hong Kong colonial flag during a rally against parallel goods traders in Sheung Shui on May Day. Photo: EPA

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In March, the HKU student union published a “youth declaration” urging the establishment of Hong Kong as a democratic, independent state recognised by the UN, and the drawing up of a new constitution by referendum. At roughly the same time, the Civic Party released a statement urging “localism, self-determination and diversity”. A month later, a group of self-proclaimed “middle-aged and young representatives” of the democratic camp published a statement supporting “internal self-determination” and negotiation with Beijing on Hong Kong’s political status. The question of Hong Kong’s future, self-determination and even independence are likely to be issues in September’s Legislative Council election.

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Irrespective of whether the term “autonomy”, “self-determination” or “independence” is used, the thrust of the arguments is the same. The objective is to shake free the shackles of the Basic Law to redefine who qualifies as Hong Kong permanent residents, who has the authority to control the movement of Chinese people into Hong Kong, and to seek a new political status that will enable Hong Kong to “determine its own destiny”. All of this shows clear signs of influence of political thinkers who advocate defining nationhood on the basis of the common cultural and social identity of the people.

The University of Hong Kong campus in Pok Fu Lam. Many of the students’ complaints against social and economic inequities are understandable and justified. Photo: Sam Tsang

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The students show great dissatisfaction with the status quo, and many of their complaints against the social and economic inequities are understandable and justified. They are naturally the boldest in urging negotiation with Beijing to achieve a freer, more independent status. Yet, their vision fails miserably against the test of reality.

Hong Kong had never been ‘autonomous’ or ‘free’ before the Chinese takeover

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