Even as Lam fires on all cylinders to prepare for her first policy address, she faces the first real challenge of her fledgling administration – submit to the pro-China camp or protect Hong Kong’s freedoms?

Hong Kong independence banners present a real test of Carrie Lam’s political wisdom

Prosecute those who push for Hong Kong independence

The truth is, the government has at present few weapons in its armoury for effective action against such pro-independence posters. Prosecution for sedition has not been attempted since the 1960s. With development in common law jurisprudence, it is by no means certain that prosecution of individuals expressing support for Hong Kong independence, but without incitement to violence or violence itself, would succeed.

It would be wrong, however, to view student radicalism on campus as representative of the entire student body. Both the student unions of Chinese University and the University of Hong Kong, which have been vocal in the current row, were elected in February with fewer than 20 per cent of the vote of the entire student body of about 15,000 in each of the universities.

Explain this: the rise of student unions in Hong Kong – how did they come to hold such sway?

Outside the student unions, most students carry on with their busy lives studying, training, dating, and looking for job opportunities. Despite efforts of universities to “internationalise” their student bodies, students from outside Hong Kong are mainly from mainland China. Integration of students of different cultural backgrounds on campus is a myth. Most local students make scant effort to make friends with foreign or mainland Chinese students. It is well known, though not well acknowledged by education authorities, that a great wall of culture stands between local and mainland students. They speak different dialects, live in different halls of residence and move in different circles. Mainland students are also feared, if not loathed, for being too competitive in scoring high grades and grabbing good scholarships and jobs.

Ernie Chow Shue-fung’s tirade in college row goes beyond the pale

Anti-China students include those who were born on the mainland and moved to Hong Kong at a young age. Among those of grass-roots background, their anti-rich and anti-establishment mindset is understandable, but their anti-China stance has puzzled many. The mainland linkages of their parents have clearly not helped to foster a stronger attachment to the motherland.

Perhaps the reason is that, as the saying goes, “all politics is personal”. Hongkongers’ perceptions and feelings towards China, other than those in the pro-China camp for historical or pecuniary reasons, have changed radically in the past 20 years.

Four in 10 Hong Kong pupils wary of closer ties to mainland China, survey finds

When China was much poorer, Hongkongers regularly hauled bags of food, medical supplies and other daily necessities across the border to succour needy relatives, out of sympathy for their plight. Ordinary people donated generously to help their compatriots when natural disasters befell.

An epochal change occurred in 2001, when China acceded to the World Trade Organisation. The subsequent explosion of Chinese productivity turned China into an unstoppable trading, investing and consuming juggernaut. While large numbers of Hongkongers have benefited from the job opportunities created by the hordes of tourists, consumers and investors, their perception of China has changed from that of a needy neighbour to that of an overbearing force, threatening disruption to Hong Kong’s cherished values and way of life.

While only a minority of our youth are radicals, Beijing and the Hong Kong government have much work to do to win over young people’s hearts.

Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee is a lawmaker and chairwoman of the New People’s Party