18th Party Congress

The Chinese Communist Party's 18th Congress, held in Beijing November 8-14, 2012, marked a key power transition in China. A new generation of leaders, headed by Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, took over from the previous leadership headed by Hu Jintao. The Communist Party's Politburo Standing Committee was reduced in number from nine to seven. Unlike his predecessor Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao handed over both the Party General Secretary and Chairman of the Central Military Commission positions to Xi.  

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18th PARTY CONGRESS

Jiang Zemin faction wins in China's game of thrones

Former president outmanoeuvred his successor Hu Jintao, who only got one man from his faction into the Politburo Standing Committee

Friday, 16 November, 2012, 7:51am

In a game between two sides, a win for one is a loss for the other.

In the game of party power, most analysts believe former president Jiang Zemin outmanoeuvred his successor, Hu Jintao , in influencing the selection of the next generation of leaders.

Hu, who stood down as Communist Party secretary general at the party's just-concluded 18th national congress, has failed to install political allies in several key positions, particularly membership of the party's inner-most Politburo Standing Committee.

"By and large, we can see a line-up dominated by Jiang's men," said Liu Kang, director of US-based Duke University's China Research Centre.

Johnny Lau Yui-siu, a veteran China watcher, said: "Of these seven people [appointed to the Politburo Standing Committee], it's really six versus one because only Li Keqiang is seen as Hu's man, coming from the Communist Youth League."

The league, Hu's power base, is seen as a training ground for future leaders.

Most China watchers agreed the single most important factor in the selection of the Politburo Standing Committee and the wider, 25-member Politburo, was "patron-client ties".

Cheng Li, director of research at the John Thornton China Centre at the Brookings Institution in Washington, characterised the leadership today as "one party, two coalitions". One coalition, the so-called Shanghai faction that also includes the princelings, the offspring of revolutionary leaders, is led by Jiang's protégés. The other coalition consists primarily of former officials from the Communist Youth League and is led by Hu.

Gu Su , a political affairs analyst at Nanjing University, said: "The latest line-up of the Politburo Standing Committee means Jiang was a clear winner.

"I have always thought there would be at least one more man from the Communist Youth League in the standing committee. Li Keqiang will be fighting a very lonely battle from now on."

Analysts view the failure to promote party organisation head Li Yuanchao and Guangdong party boss Wang Yang as signs of Hu's loss of influence.

Of the 25 Politburo members, nine are from the Communist Youth League. Analysts said Hu also failed to get Hunan party chief Zhou Qiang and his former chief of staff, Ling Jihua , promoted to the Politburo. Chen Shiju , Hu's personal aide, failed to win promotion to the 205-strong Central Committee or one of its 171 alternate members.

Premier Wen Jiabao also appears to have lost in the battle to promote his protégés. A glaring example is Ma Wen , who surprisingly did not retain her spot on the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the party's anti-graft watchdog.

Most analysts said Jiang, who stepped down as party chief in 2002, played a key role in selecting the new leadership, outmanoeuvring Hu in some cases.

"One thing is obvious, Jiang has played a big role and his faction seems to have dominated this process," Liu said.

However, analysts also said Hu protégés were well positioned to become leading candidates for the Politburo Standing Committee in 2017, when, as Lau pointed out, five of its seven members - all Jiang allies - will reach retirement age. New party general secretary Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are the only Politburo Standing Committee members expected to be the core of the new leadership for the next 10 years.

"We can expect Hu's allies to outclass Jiang's on the Politburo Standing Committee at the 19th party congress," Lau said.

Analysts also said Hu protégés Sun Zhencai , Jilin's party chief, and Hu Chunhua , Inner Mongolia's party boss, were both from Communist Youth League. At 49, they are the youngest Politburo members and among leaders expected to reach the pinnacle of power a decade from now.

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This article is now closed to comments

shouken
I myself do not believe there is a clear-cut twin-faction structure in the central CCP leadership. Even calling Bo Xilai a Maoist or leftist is problematic. Leftism and Rightism at some point converge and is hardly distinguishable from each other. What politician, anywhere and any time, can afford not to be populist? The difference can only be one of degree, not kind.
icwu
In reality, there are only differences of opinions (in politics) and the so called factions as those existed during the Mao era have long gone with the passing of the last paramount leader Deng. China now is a diverse society and the Communist Party likewise, with many interest groups. Consensus is the rule of the game now. In the case, the writing into the Party Constitution of Hu's 'scientific development' process as a guiding principle is all important and a victory for Hu. This principle should be considedred the culmination of all the previous principles including Jiang's 'Three Represents'. In science, we all know that the litmus for all theories is repeated experiments in verification. In the event, the current line-up of the new leadership is the result of a consensus that makes all the sense under the principle under present circumstances. In other words, the liberal experiments (in Southern China) are still at an experimantal stage with still a lot of resistences from vested interest groups. Meantime, you'll note that the majority of the new leadership have extensive local governnance experience and interesting all in Southern China. My reading is that this new leadership will greatly strengthen and enhance the on-going Southern experiments and thus possibly paving the way for the future. Therein lies my optimism that the new leadership under Xi could well turn out to be the catalyst of the generational change.

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