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A wild card named Anson

Chris Yeung

Perhaps former chief secretary Anson Chan Fang On-sang has no personal interest in standing for chief executive in the 2007 election. Perhaps she will not join any political party. Perhaps she has no intention of challenging Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen.

But she made an open appeal to Mr Tsang to fight for universal suffrage, shortly before the government announced changes to its constitutional reform blueprint on Monday.

So Mrs Chan can hardly convince doubters and rivals that she was merely an ordinary citizen making a Christmas wish for universal suffrage.

Like it or not, her remarks will fuel more speculation about her endgame, if she has one, and of the impact that her return may have on Hong Kong's internal politics and its relationship with Beijing.

Her challenge to Mr Tsang over universal suffrage could be seen as a move to set the agenda of the next chief executive election. Mr Tsang could still shrug off the question of a timetable by arguing that detailed studies and consultations need to be done. But he will have to make some promise on universal suffrage if he decides to seek re-election.

By making a high-profile return to the front of the political stage, Mrs Chan has emerged as a wild card in the next chief executive election.

Former Democratic Party chairman Martin Lee Chu-ming has said Mrs Chan would be the only person who could pose a serious challenge to Mr Tsang in 2007.

Regardless of her personal ambition, she will likely be lobbied by some quarters of the pan-democratic camp to run in the next election - carrying the banner of universal suffrage by 2012.

Given her popularity and credentials, she could emerge as an influential kingmaker, if not a strong contender. Mrs Chan's rising political capital contrasts sharply with Mr Tsang's fall in popularity: he is paying the price for the tough fight over constitutional reform.

By siding with the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong in a signature campaign last week, Mr Tsang sent a clear political message about who his friends are.

Mr Tsang is no doubt a lot smarter politically than his former boss, Tung Chee-hwa, whose failure to reduce hostilities with the democrats cost him his job. Regardless of the outcome of this week's vote on the reform blueprint, he faces a long-running battle with the democrats over universal suffrage.

The erosion of mutual trust could seriously hamper his efforts to seek consensus with the democrats through quiet negotiation.

Some democrats have been cool to the emergence of Mrs Chan in the pro-democratic camp. And Beijing remains warm to the leadership of Mr Tsang.

It would be a totally different situation, however, if Mrs Chan expressed an interest in running for chief executive in 2007.

With credentials and leadership quality that compare no less favourably with Mr Tsang's, Mrs Chan would be seen by some people - at least those from the democratic camp - as a more credible and determined leader fighting for universal suffrage.

The Beijing factor is always crucial. Mrs Chan's offensive looks certain to cause jitters among some quarters in the central government and the pro-Beijing circle. It remains inconceivable that she could stand a realistic chance of winning Beijing's blessing for the top post.

But there is danger in underestimating the degree of flexibility and sense of pragmatism of the Beijing leadership, particularly towards Hong Kong issues.

Chris Yeung is the Post's editor-at-large

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