In March, when Donald Tsang Yam-kuen stood in the small-circle, chief executive election, he pledged he would find in his second term an ultimate solution to the question of universal suffrage. Then, on July 11, his administration published a green paper on constitutional development, giving the public three months to respond.
The green paper, Mr Tsang promised, would contain three sets of proposals on how to achieve universal suffrage for the chief executive and all members of the Legislative Council. After the consultation, he pledged, he would submit a report to the central government, recommending whichever proposal received 60 per cent public support.
Regrettably, the green paper does not contain the three sets of proposals promised. Instead, it sets out a myriad of options that could be pieced together in many different ways. And there is no reference to sending that report to Beijing.
As for the direct election of the chief executive, the green paper is ominously silent on how candidates can be validly nominated. Speculation has been rife that a mechanism would be devised, using the nomination committee stipulated in Article 45 of the Basic Law, to screen out people unacceptable to Beijing.
Since the green paper contains so many options, chances are no consensus will emerge. Then Mr Tsang can tell Beijing that Hongkongers do not want direct elections in 2012 or even 2017. The problem that has plagued Hong Kong for several decades will be indefinitely postponed.
In spite of the obfuscation, the green paper does say unequivocally that direct elections for the chief executive and all members of the Legco are an option in 2012. Mr Tsang made this point during his election campaign.
In the past few weeks, pro-Beijing politicians and mainland officials have come out in a chorus, saying that direct elections in 2012 would be moving too rapidly, and would be against the 'gradual and orderly' principle laid down in the Basic Law.