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North Korea
This Week in AsiaGeopolitics

What key players want from Trump-Kim talks (and what they’ll get)

North Korea may have what it wants but must pause for thought. Trump may get a mid-term boost but must temper expectations, South Korea may be in the driving seat but possibly not for long, and as for China and Japan, well...

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North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and US President Donald Trump. Photo: AFP
Euan Graham
The March 9 announcement that the US president had agreed to hold a summit with North Korea’s leader, by South Korean officials speaking on the White House lawn, encapsulated the Trump administration’s chaotic, unorthodox approach to foreign policy. President Donald Trump has by turns threatened and lampooned Kim Jong-un, but always kept the door ajar for a future meeting. Despite his fluctuating rhetoric, that the deal maker-in-chief has opted for the high-stakes gambit of a one-to-one summit to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis should come as no surprise. It was always on the cards.
The question of what kind of deal, if any, remains wide open. The summit could yet fall through, or slip beyond May. North Korea has offered no comment since the announcement. That should not be surprising either, as Pyongyang has always approached nuclear negotiations with deliberate ambiguity, particularly where the definition of “denuclearisation” is concerned. Kim may still be coming to terms with Trump’s impulsive volleying of the ball back in his court.

On one level, an unprecedented head-to-head with the US president is a long-coveted, status-boosting concession for Pyongyang, one which eluded Kim’s family forebears. A leaders’ summit of such strategic dimensions is normally months if not years in the making. But such a diplomatic escalation on Washington’s part also foreshortens the crunch point at which Pyongyang’s metaphorical nuclear and missile “salami” can no longer be sliced. The fact that Ambassador John Bolton, who is reportedly being considered as a replacement for National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster, has welcomed the summit should give Pyongyang extra pause for thought.

Are US and China sincere partners in disarming North Korea?

The latest round of musical chairs in the Trump White House has implications for the summit. The decision to shift CIA director Mike Pompeo across to head the State Department, replacing the beleaguered Rex Tillerson, heralds a more hawkish diplomatic line. Differences over North Korea, as well as Iran, were reported to be factors behind Tillerson’s sacking. Pompeo has been closely communicating with South Korea’s head of national intelligence, Suh Hoon, one of President Moon Jae-in’s inter-Korean envoys for the upcoming inter-Korean summit, scheduled in April.

Pompeo believes Washington can still negotiate the North’s complete, verifiable, irreversible, denuclearisation “from a position of enormous strength”. He has also said that Kim is a rational actor. But Pompeo’s reputation as a Trump loyalist points to a concentration of uncontested decision-making power around the president, with few regional experts in a position to make their influence felt on North Korea. With Secretary of Defence James Mattis now perhaps the sole exception in the cabinet, the balance of forces within the administration suggests a more coercive approach – including military options – lies in store, in case the upcoming inter-Korean and US summits fail to produce a breakthrough.

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Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo. Photo: Reuters
Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo. Photo: Reuters

What about the impact on the other key players?

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Moon supports the idea of a Trump-Kim summit. By pursuing his own engagement policy with the North, Moon has successfully wrested back some of the initiative on North Korea. Trump’s visit to Seoul and National Assembly speech, last November, reaffirmed South Korea’s centrality as an ally. But Washington still eyes inter-Korean engagement warily, as a distraction from the primary focus on denuclearisation and potentially diluting its “maximum pressure” posture towards Pyongyang.

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