By forcing internet providers to block Chinese apps, India takes a page out of China’s playbook
- China has long banned foreign apps and websites, arguing that it has a right to “cyber sovereignty”
- India’s ban on 59 Chinese apps has China’s tech giants facing restrictions similar to those on international competitors back home
The new ban goes further than simply removing the Chinese apps from local app stores. Authorities have also ordered internet service providers (ISPs) to bar access to these apps, which includes big names like WeChat, Clash of Kings and Kwai. That means even users who already have the apps installed will still be locked out.
It’s a move that could have been taken right out of China’s playbook.
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“China has, along with Russia, been the most active proponent of cyber sovereignty for a long time, which is a big part of the reason it has a completely different digital ecosystem than the West,” said Lars Gjesvik, research fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs who focuses mainly on cybersecurity.
Some people now believe India is following China’s lead and enforcing its own version of cyber sovereignty.
But India also saw something you’re less likely to see in China: People have challenged internet shutdowns in court.
“In a democracy like India, it’s always going to be difficult to build a firewall,” Pahwa said.
The country could be looking to forge its own path.
There’s also another argument for countries to exercise more control over internet access: Fighting digital colonialism. Around the world, people have become increasingly concerned that digital infrastructure and personal data have become concentrated in the hands of a few tech giants -- typically companies from the US or China.
Facebook, Google and many other Silicon Valley champions have been diligently collecting our data and using it to improve their products. This has effectively given them monopolistic power, according to the digital colonialism argument. This makes it difficult for local competitors in other countries to grow and build their capabilities.
This is especially true for developing nations, where internet access is still growing. This makes them attractive markets for the likes of Facebook and TikTok, which want to make an early impression on the millions of users going online for the first time.
“The idea of digital colonization was first floated in India in 2015, and there has been a strong move towards tech-nationalism ever since,” Nikhil said.
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Cybersecurity is another concern. Gjesvik said that cyber sovereignty used to be a niche issue, mostly discussed in countries like China, Russia and Iran. But over the last five years, following the leaks of US National Security Agency documents from Edward Snowden, more countries have found it acceptable to argue for some sort of national governance over digital technologies, he added.
India banned the 59 apps this week on cybersecurity grounds, although it hasn’t ventured into cyber sovereignty arguments. Observer Research Foundation’s Ray also noted that authorities are concerned about protecting user data.
But not everyone is convinced that India’s latest app ban is all about security or sovereignty. After all, such concerns against China aren’t new.
To people like Gjesvik and Pahwa, it could simply be a tit-for-tat move.