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Paying lip service to the voices of dissent

The director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, Lu Ping, arrived in the colony on April 11 to 'consult' people about the setting up of the selection committee to choose the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) chief executive and provisional legislature.

However the Chinese Government indicated from the start it would not listen to dissenting views, particularly those from the pro-democracy lobby. The fact that the Bar Association got a hearing will not convince the public China is willing to listen to dissenting views. Although the Federation of Students received a last-minute invitation to replace the Professional Teachers' Association, its representatives were expelled when they began distributing leaflets about the provisional legislature.

Minutes after Mr Lu stepped off the plane, he was met by demonstrators protesting against the provisional legislature. The following day, Mr Lu was forced to arrive early for his appointment and make detours to avoid protesters.

Compared with the demonstrations which greeted Chinese Premier Li Peng in Paris during his recent visit, the local protests were nothing. However should Mr Li decide to come for the handover ceremony next year, he may get a rowdy reception.

While many Hong Kong people do not take to the streets to protest, Mr Lu should not take this as a sign they condone the Chinese Government's habitual refusal to consider dissenting views.

With 442 days to go before the handover, the resilient colony is remarkably peaceful. However the tranquillity was momentarily shattered last month by long queues outside the Immigration Department. Tens of thousands of anxious people waited in the rain to beat the March 31 deadline for naturalisation.

Interviewed by the BBC World Service Mandarin service, which broadcasts to China, I said with only 400-odd days to go before Chinese rule, the fact that so many Hong Kong Chinese were clamouring to become second-class British citizens ought to make the Chinese leaders wonder what has gone wrong.

Addressing the sensitive subject of nationality, Mr Lu told a business audience on April 2 that the Chinese Government was prepared to be flexible, although the Chinese nationality law does not permit dual nationality.

While some people may welcome the flexibility, it is obvious that even members of the SAR Preparatory Committee did not have a chance to discuss the subject, let alone appreciate the ramifications. So much for 'consultation'.

Mr Lu told business leaders that after 1997 Hong Kong people could have several foreign passports, and yet could still opt to be Chinese citizens with the right of permanent residence in the SAR. Only those who wanted to be treated as foreign citizens needed to make a declaration.

The Chinese Government has indeed gone a long way in meeting the demands of returned emigrants, who number more than half a million. The proposal is more lenient than an earlier suggestion that emigrants must return before 1997 in order to qualify for permanent residency. However, it falls short of what Legco has been demanding - that all Hong Kong people who have the right of abode before 1997 should not lose it after the handover.

The proposal will also create a minefield for the registration of voters, since the Basic Law stipulates only SAR permanent residents can vote. Should hundreds of thousands of people choose to declare their foreign citizenship, it would hold up the voter registration process as their names must be expunged from the current register. To the Chinese, this will justify the prolonged existence of the provisional legislature.

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