bodyType

customContents

entityId

entityUuid

articlePageQuery

filter

article

articleBaseAdvertisingInfoArticle

articleListArticle

articleSeoArticle

hooksArticleAcknowledgementGateOverlayArticle

hooksTrackPageViewArticle

hooksContentInterestArticle

articleLinkingDataContent

hooksAmpRedirectArticle

articleSchemaContent

liveArticle

advertZone

sentiment

contentLock

topics

types

sections

paywallTypes

createdDate

publishedDate

sponsorType

urlAlias

moreOnThisArticles

commentCount

authorLocations

authors

corrections

displaySlideShow

multimediaEmbed

printHeadline

seriesContainer

articleSpeeches

socialHeadline

headline

images

flag

firstTopic

glossary

flattenTypeIds

image

relatedLinks

relatedNewsletters

__typename

sponsor

pdfFiles

seriesReverseOrder

series

disableOffPlatformContent

published

updatedDate

summary

subHeadline

body

keywords

readingTime

customTimezone

liveContents

SCMP Reporter

Within 24 hours, Hong Kong found answers to two of the questions most often asked surrounding its return to Chinese rule.

  The death of the 'one country, two systems' policy architect Deng Xiaoping put an end once and for all to persistent speculation, particularly in the stock market, about his health.

  The calm response that followed the announcement eased fears of immediate chaos following his demise.

  And as Chief Executive-designate Tung Chee-hwa mourned the loss of the great leader, he announced a through-train for 21 senior officials in the colonial administration and named two new faces to take up principal posts in the SAR government.

  The re-appointments removed another cause of persistent speculation about a major shake-up among the top echelon of the Patten administration at the changeover.

  If Deng's death has emerged as a positive factor in the stock market, it is because it has removed a veil of uncertainty among investors and the community at large over the 'post-Deng' scenario.

  It has been business as usual and life as usual, at least from the outset, both in Hong Kong and the mainland in the past two days.

  There was no imminent sign of change in the top leadership in Zhongnanhai - and no clue about a possible rethink of Deng's bold experiment to allow Hong Kong to continue to practise capitalism while China retains its socialism.

  Top communist leaders have vowed to stick to the Deng Xiaoping line of reform and open-door policy as well as the promise of 'one country, two systems'.

  In short, Deng's policies will survive without Deng.

  Continuity and stability have become the guiding principles in the post-Deng era in both national affairs and the policy towards Hong Kong.

  At a sensitive time such as the handover, any doubt about the continuity of the 'one country, two systems' would have cast a long shadow over the economic viability of the territory after it reverts to Chinese sovereignty.

  Despite the psychological blow caused by the death of Deng, the fact that the local and foreign community reacted with calm was a vote of confidence in the future of the imaginative concept.

  Even though there are still doubts at times over its viability, many people have accepted it as the best and most workable formula to enable Hong Kong to live peacefully with the mainland after July 1.

  If the ends justify the means, the promise of 'one country, two systems' has already been a success.

  Hong Kong has survived such political storms as the June 4 crackdown and financial crises in the past 12 years and has continued to maintain its economic momentum.

  True as it is that Deng's policy of 'one country, two systems' has been accepted as the cardinal principle, the challenge since 1984 and beyond 1997 has always been the more crucial question of how the policy is being put into practice.

  The shaping of the SAR leadership following Mr Tung's naming of his Exco advisers and principal officials is just the beginning of a new phase in the grand experiment of 'one country, two systems'.

  This is because even with such concepts as 'high degree of autonomy' and 'Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong' being fleshed out in the Basic Law, those policies will only face a real test after July 1.

  That will be the time when the governments, systems and cultures of the two places will interact more directly.

  That will be the time when people will see whether the Central Government is able to stop hands from other mainland authorities reaching too far into the SAR and whether Beijing is to tighten its control over political dissent.

  That will be the time when people will know whether there are really superlord figures acting above the Chief Executive both in Beijing and in the SAR.

  In the aftermath of the June 4 suppression, Beijing has adopted a hardline approach in dealing with the transition.

  The Chinese government has thwarted efforts by London to speed up the pace of democracy and to boost human rights protection.

  Only the new airport project has been given the go-ahead.

  The provisional legislature is already in operation and the Chinese National People's Congress Standing Committee is soon to pass a resolution to repeal some local laws, in full or in part, after July 1.

  They include the Bill of Rights Ordinance and other controversial laws such as the Societies Ordinance and the Public Order Ordinance.

  While London talks tough and acts tough over these, there are conflicting signs that it is keen to strive for continuity and moderation on other vital issues as the handover draws nearer.

  Just one week before Mr Tung's announcement of his team, there were still fears that some of Governor Chris Patten's top aides might lose their jobs when the new government is formed.

  It was also not long ago that rumours flew around that some political figures might be installed to take up principal posts in the SAR government and that the three senior policy secretaries - chief secretary, financial secretary and attorney-general - 'must go'.

  The argument was that the transition of civil service was another sovereignty issue.

  Any 'through-train' arrangement would be seen as a continuation of British colonial influence.

  As events unfolded, pragmaticism and moderation prevailed over the hardline view within the Beijing leadership.

  Mr Tung's choices for his Executive Council and team of principal officials show the significance attached to continuity and moderation at the ruling nucleus in the SAR.

  Beijing is anxious to minimise damage to confidence during the transition.

  The death of Deng, less than five months before the handover, will prompt Beijing to be more cautious and not to stir up controversy within the community.

  Mr Tung and the Beijing leaders are set to opt for a moderate approach in dealing with some sensitive issues such as the repeal of human rights laws over the next few months.

  One major source of uncertainty does not come from within the community, but from the likelihood of changes in the Beijing leadership in the run-up to the 15th Communist Party Congress at the end of the year.

  Although party chief Jiang Zemin is set to maintain his paramount status in the post-Deng era, he may have to make compromises on the sharing of power and influence with other senior leaders.

  Any changes to the political landscape are bound to make an impact on the policy and strategy towards Hong Kong.

  Senior Chinese leaders including Mr Jiang and Premier Li Peng have reassured Mr Tung that the Central Government was fully behind him.

  It will take time, however, for Mr Tung to win full confidence and establish his authority among the Beijing leadership.

  He needs to demonstrate to the Chinese leadership that his authority and ability to govern have not been challenged and that he is, in the real sense, a 'strong leader'.

  The future Chief Executive will obviously play a vital role in the implementation of the 'one country, two systems' policy.

  New problems are bound to emerge that require political skill and dialogue.

  He needs full trust and confidence from the Beijing leadership to be able to lobby for more sympathy and support from the Central Government for a more relaxed and liberal approach towards the SAR.



Deng's dream lives on in Hong Kong