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Beijing's perception the vital element

Fanny Wong

With the benefit of hindsight, perhaps people should not react too harshly towards Xu Simin's attack on RTHK. At least the outburst by the senior local Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) deputy served as a timely reminder that notwithstanding Beijing's promise of 'one country, two systems', the innovative concept is still being tested.

Mr Xu is not alone in criticising RTHK's editorial independence. Other Hong Kong CPPCC deputies and National People's Congress (NPC) delegates are equally sceptical.

And the warning by local Xinhua assistant director, Lee Wui-ting, against the presence of anti-China forces in the SAR is added proof of a small, hard-core leftist clique who believe Beijing must be reminded of the unsatisfactory state of Hong Kong today.

The prompt response from Beijing leaders - reassuring Hong Kong people of the central government's commitment to the 'one country, two systems' policy - is most welcome.

And President Jiang Zemin's remarks that the SAR Government has the wisdom and experience to master the complex situation in Hong Kong are further proof of Beijing's confidence.

But can these open statements really be taken as an unequivocal guarantee that the freedom of speech enjoyed by Hong Kong will not be curtailed? Have they actually contradicted fundamentally what Mr Xu and the Xinhua assistant director said? What did Mr Xu advocate? He suggested that Tung Chee-hwa take control of RTHK to stop the station from criticising and ridiculing the Chinese Government and the Chief Executive.

Does Beijing's faith in the SAR Government mean they also expect the SAR leadership to be fully aware of China's understanding of, and sensitivity to, the role of a government-owned station? Does Beijing therefore expect the SAR Government to handle the RTHK issue accordingly? And by reiterating that Hong Kong NPC and CPPCC delegates cannot interfere with affairs that fall within the SAR's autonomy, can Hong Kong people interpret this to mean Beijing's leaders have dismissed Mr Lee's warning? While Beijing's leaders may have questioned the propriety of the forums chosen by Mr Xu and Mr Lee to voice their views, the statements so far have not provided any answers.

Beijing's attitude towards these issues is far more important than where the views are expressed.

If Beijing is sympathetic to Hong Kong's desire for freedom and autonomy, people can rest easy - regardless of where the issues are raised.

On the other hand, if the central government is convinced that critics of the present Hong Kong system have a legitimate concern, the danger of the system being challenged is more real - no matter whether the criticisms are voiced in Hong Kong or Beijing, at high-profile venues or during private chats.

Hong Kong's best bet now is that Beijing's muted response on these subjects is in keeping with its promise to give the SAR Government a free hand in sorting out domestic issues.

But the hard-core leftists' desire to remind Beijing of these issues - as reflected by the recent incidents - has caused grave concern that there is still a danger of Beijing meddling in Hong Kong's internal affairs.

The recent incidents in Beijing have made Mr Tung's balancing act far more difficult. There are fears that pressure on Mr Tung from local leftists - urging him to act more in line with the values of the central government - could sway his judgment.

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