WHEN Governor Chris Patten arrives at No 10 Downing Street on Tuesday to discuss the next steps for his Hongkong reform package, many believe he will find his staunchest ally, Prime Minister Mr John Major, privately advocating conciliation and dialogue with China. London sources maintain that, while the British Government still supports him fully and will not force his hand, Westminster considers it is imperative that Mr Patten is seen to go even further than the proverbial extra mile to try and kick-start negotiations. The question is: should he? On the plus side, despite the usual rhetoric, China has persistently maintained that the door is still open. Indeed, throughout last week, there was a noticeable decrease in the volume of their campaign against the Governor. And in an interview on Friday,New China News Agency director Mr Zhou Nan went out of his way to underscore Beijing's willingness to co-operate. On the minus side, many observers believe, the real issue is not when talks start, but for how long they should be allowed to drag on. Only the most optimistic believe China will do anything other than keep discussions going for as long as possible, hoping both to block the possibility that the Patten blueprint can go through Legco this session and sap his support at the same time. For these reasons, Mr Patten is thought privately to be most reluctant to concede so much as one point for negotiations that may turn out to be little more than a sham. Indeed, some at Government House insist the problem with relations between Hongkong and China now is not the Patten package itself, but the fact that China still thinks it can see a way of halting it. Once Beijing is convinced there is no turning back, goes the theory, China's leaders will start the process of learning to live with whatever comes out at the end of the Legislative Council debate. But if the latest batch of opinion polls is anything to go by, Mr Patten has a more pressing problem to address: preventing his support from slipping to such an extent that his detractors will be able to claim he has lost the backing of the Hongkong people. Yesterday, it was reported that his personal popularity was at its lowest since his arrival, though 62 per cent must seem miraculously high to Mr Major, whose confidence ratings plummeted to 23 per cent this weekend. More importantly, recent opinion polls have shown wavering among those who had previously supported the Patten blueprint. A poll next week is believed to put those in favour of pressing ahead with reforms regardless down to 37 per cent. And, even more significantly, few appear to buy Mr Patten's ''bottom line'' over Hongkong representation, indicating instead a preference for talks rather than this particular principle. The truth is, Mr Patten is the likely loser the longer this debate goes on. And while his aides will insist that everything is proceeding according to plan, something must be done to seize the initiative. When the Governor flies back to the territory, he should announce a date for tabling his proposals to the Legislative Council as soon as he has consulted the Executive Council. But he should make it clear this can be put on hold should meaningful talks begin. But he should concede a point to China by finding a diplomatic formula through which he can accept Hongkong's observer or adviser status at any negotiations. So long as the territory's officials are properly briefed and consulted, and their views made known, most in Hongkong should be satisfied that Hongkong's opinions are being taken into account. Finally, while public deadlines rarely achieve results, British negotiators should be made aware of when and where to draw the line to prevent filibustering. This should take account of the need for legislators to debate any outcome - or, indeed, the original proposals - and reach a conclusion by the close of this session. Having gone beyond the extra mile, the ball should be clearly back in Beijing's court. If China chooses not to pick it up, Hongkong - and the rest of the world - will be able to come to its own conclusions as to why.
