In short, while the US balances interest group pressures - from private firms, voters, human rights groups, the media, international public opinion, evangelical religious leaders, think-tanks and legislators - China acts quickly and quietly to achieve its aims and satisfy its partners. On July 3, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice explained that US 'policies and initiatives [are] designed to extend liberty, prosperity and peace on the [African] continent'. But these goals seem impractical when compared with China's pointed approach. While the US captures headlines, China promotes its image as a model for the developing world.

China's leaders do not sweeten policy for the consumption of legislatures and voters. Instead, their desire is to meet realistic strategic objectives, delivering a combination of grants, investment, construction projects and debt relief. China supports democracies and dictatorships, and works with regimes with dubious human rights records or terrorist ties. For example, in Sudan, according to recently declassified US State Department documents, China in 2000 agreed to 'finance and build a 212 megawatt gas-fired power station [and] an electrical power-generation station, [provide] a grant agreement worth US$2.5 million for 'any project' deemed worthy by Sudanese officials [and] promised diplomatic support to remove international sanctions'. China also 'wrote off US$1.2 billion in debts owed by African nations'.

On July 7, This Day, a Nigerian daily, explained that Africans welcome these methods: 'It is good to increase foreign aid to Africa, but it is better if Africa is also seen as a serious partner for investment and trade. The debt over-hang limits the ability of many African countries to deliver on good governance, and fuels the vicious cycle of poverty, disease and wars.'

China's leaders and state-owned firms act decisively, wooing African business, political and military leaders. And without a free press or informed polity to cater to, China's leaders remain unburdened and their goals unmuddled. To expand its economic and military influence, China supports government and rebel fighters in Angola, Rwanda, Sudan and elsewhere.

While China's sole condition for assistance is endorsement of the 'one China' policy, the United States is seen as a needy superpower, giving only to those that adopt numerous US policy objectives. In 1998, Nelson Mandela decried US demands that South Africa end trade with Cuba, Libya and Iran: 'The provisions, which restrict our freedom to trade with other countries, is something we find totally unacceptable,' he said.

Despite the billions spent, Africa remains a bargain for China. It has uncovered a cheap, steady fuel supply for its growing energy needs. According to Sudan's ambassador to China, 'the total production of three oil fields that China National Petroleum Corp has interests in is expected to increase to 400,000 barrels per day in 2004 and 500,000 barrels per day in 2005'.

China's trade with Africa has also increased dramatically. From 1999 to 2000, trade with South Africa, Angola, Egypt, Nigeria and Sudan grew by more than 20 per cent. Angola and Sudan had the largest increases, 381.6 per cent and 248 per cent, respectively. African nations support China in international organisations. In 1995, China lost an important 'no-action' motion seeking to avoid a vote on its human rights record at the United Nations. But in 1996, after Chinese leaders visited six vote-holding African nations, all sided with China on that year's motion.

Not surprisingly, China was not discussed at the few high-level talks between US officials and African countries. Indeed, the Bush administration undermines the UN, embittering African countries that see the organisation as their only means to exert international influence.

Questions about the virtue of Chinese methods abound; however, nobody questions China's motives or results. Its growing energy needs require new suppliers, its exporters need markets, its leaders need support in international organisations and its propaganda needs allies to attack US 'hegemony'.

For its part, the Bush administration could learn from China's Africa strategy. Rather than appealing to Americans with a media-friendly, yet ineffectual, approach to Africa, Mr Bush would be well-served to appeal directly to influential Africans. These connections should prove effective in achieving larger policy objectives. Without support from elites, policy implementation will remain a roadblock to helping poverty and Aids-stricken Africans. More than handouts, African nations need bilateral partnerships that endure.

Joshua Eisenman is a fellow at the New America Foundation, a public-policy think-tank in Washington