In view of its serious defeat in the District Council elections, the Democratic Alliance for Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) has been trying to reposition itself to prepare for the Legislative Council election in September. It has declared that it will no longer be part of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa's ruling coalition; and on December 19, it twice refused to support the Tung administration. At the Legco Finance Committee meeting, DAB legislators opposed a government proposal to cut local university finding. Secretary for Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok-cheung was forced to withdraw the proposed budget. In a house committee meeting the same day, DAB legislators did not oppose the Democratic Party's proposal to call on Mr Tung to attend Legco to account for his trips to Beijing. As a political party, the DAB must retain its Legco seats for survival. To meet the challenge of the Legco election, its new chairman, Ma Lik, is determined to adjust the party line and maintain a distance from the administration. As a result, the government will be further weakened. Since the massive protest rally on July 1, the government has withdrawn the Article 23 legislation. It has made concessions on issues such as the Victoria Harbour reclamation, District Council elections' voting hours and the keeping of pets by public-housing tenants, to avoid controversy and confrontation and maintain social stability. Now that the DAB has deserted the ruling coalition, the Tung administration is in serious danger of being reduced to a 'lame duck' government. Obviously, the administration's unpopularity led to the DAB's adjustment. Its hitherto firm support for the government made it a prime target for the venting of the community's anger in the District Council elections. To survive, it has to distance itself from the Tung administration, despite Beijing's firm backing of the latter. This is, however, not just a problem generated by the unpopularity of the government, it is also a basic issue in the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of the government - an issue associated with the design of the special administrative region's political system. As Mr Tung does not belong to any political party and is above party politics, he cannot guarantee a stable majority support in Legco. Previously, the foundation for the governing coalition was rather weak because of the political system's design. More than half the legislators respected Beijing's policy for Hong Kong, endorsed the administration's conservative political philosophy and were willing to co-operate to preserve the status quo and promote the business community's interests. These legislators, of course, did not challenge government policies. Mr Tung began to cultivate a governing coalition in his first term and appointed leaders of the pro-government parties to the Executive Council so they could become involved in the policymaking process and, thus, allow the government to consolidate its position. The administration, however, insisted on an executive-led system. Political parties within the coalition had a very limited role, and had little influence on the policymaking process. As the parties were unable to appeal to their constituents through policies, they had to satisfy their electorate by criticising the government. Thus, the relationship between the executive and legislative branches tended to be confrontational. In the present circumstances, the Tung administration must actively change its relations with the pro-government parties to ensure support in Legco. The quid pro quo is to enable the parties to satisfy their constituents, thus establishing a relationship of mutual benefit. The Tung administration cannot expect the DAB or the Liberal Party to sacrifice its interests in support of the government any more. At the same time, the government must be ready to face the people and secure their support. If the community clearly endorses its policies, then political parties cannot afford to alienate the public to oppose the government. Trying to arrive at a consensus at the community level or among various political parties is an extremely difficult task, but the Tung administration must not give up. After all, Hong Kong people are rational, and they expect leadership from the government. It has been suggested that the government should consider holding summit meetings or round-table discussions involving all political parties on issues such as political reform, unemployment and budget deficits, for example. It is difficult to understand why it continues to reject such initiatives. After all, political parties would have to offer constructive proposals, and adopting a package of measures based on such initiatives could prove to be a win-win situation. Joseph Cheng Yu-shek is a professor of political science at the City University of Hong Kong