Housing minister Michael Suen Ming-yeung likened it to a 9/11-style attack. Some analysts described it as a 'perfect storm' caused by incompetent bureaucrats. Whatever it is known as, most people see the Link Reit listing as having no winners. Even before the decision was taken to shelve it late on Sunday, the blame game had already begun. Last week, top officials pointed the finger at someone for 'stirring up trouble', referring to the 11th-hour judicial review filed by 67-year-old Lo Siu-lan, and the politicians and activists who are backing her fight. On Sunday, legislator Albert Cheng King-hon said that housing officials should be held responsible for their failure to immediately stop the listing after Ms Lo went to court. Meanwhile, online chat rooms were filled with angry messages against Mr Cheng and the so-called 'black hands' behind the legal challenge. As the hot air evaporates and cool heads prevail, many people may remain confused by the dramatic turn of the events. Key questions have yet to be answered. Leaving the emotive rhetoric, political posturing, rumours and conspiracy theories aside, the incident reveals the depth of disagreement within society in the course of policy changes and economic restructuring. Ms Lo's comments that, 'I've found Tung Chee-hwa and knocked on the tiger's head', showed some quarters hold strong grievances against the chief executive and, more importantly, the authority and power he represents. Referring to the subsidised public housing flats and facilities, she said: 'They cannot sell my assets. I won't let that happen.' Ms Lo will not be the only one who sees housing welfare as a given. They will, not surprisingly, react with scepticism to any attempts to change this - and will use all their rights to fight to the end in a system that respects the rule of law. Buffeted by the sharp economic downturn, the middle class is adamant that Hong Kong can no longer afford unlimited welfare subsidies. At a time when the Housing Authority is looking at a deficit, they believe it is sensible to privatise assets to help finance subsidised housing. Many agree that jeopardising the rule of law and an independent judiciary are too high a price to pay for denying justice to Ms Lo and to seek quick gains from the Link listing. Some, however, wonder whether the system has been abused by housing groups with vested interests. Within the business sector, there are growing fears about a government without the political will and capacity to act tough, and a growing anti-establishment force with the skill and strategies to get around the rules. Outspoken businessman-cum-politician Ronnie Chan Chi-chung may have gone overboard when he branded Hong Kong the 'most communist' city in the mainland. But his outburst reflects the grave fears about the drastic changes in the city's political landscape. Meanwhile, the government's failure to resolve the sharp societal differences over the Link listing has further polarised society. Confrontational politics were already on the horizon, before this latest saga. In contrast to the zealous response to the listing plan a few weeks ago, there was a feeling of loss, frustration and anger in society after the government decided to shelve it. Hong Kong can only emerge as a winner if it draws lessons from this incident and resolves the fundamental differences in society through consensus building under a better system and improved governance. Chris Yeung is the Post's editor-at-large
