The government's plan for the election of the next chief executive is being challenged by a request for a judicial review. The administration is to ask the central government for an interpretation of the Basic Law. And Mr Justice Woo Kwok-hing, chairman of the Electoral Affairs Commission, has warned that a constitutional crisis would occur if the election is not held on July 10. Thus, we are all caught up with the crisis of the moment. At times like these, however, it is helpful to consider what the people of Hong Kong want. Fortunately, Civic Exchange and the Hong Kong Transition Project have just released their latest constitutional reform survey, in which more than 1,200 people were interviewed. An interesting feature of the poll, conducted in December, is that it studies different sectors, including people who voted in September's Legislative Council election, both in the geographical constituencies and the functional constituencies, as well as those who are politically inactive. Election of the chief executive through direct election was backed by a majority of all segments, but the strongest support came from those active in the functional constituencies. Also, interestingly, those who oppose direct election of the chief executive include marginally more managers, administrators and associate professionals than those who support it. And the less educated and unskilled, who traditionally have been viewed as pro-Beijing, seem more supportive of a direct election. Expanding the Election Committee also received majority support. As for keeping it unchanged, 54 per cent of the politically inactive considered it acceptable, but 65 per cent of the functional constituency voters said it was unacceptable, compared with 47 per cent of the geographical constituency voters. In fact, the survey found that those active in functional constituencies are not necessarily politically conservative or pro-Beijing. Asked what their reaction would be if Beijing were to directly appoint the chief executive, 55 per cent said it would be 'very unacceptable', compared with 46 per cent of those active in the geographical constituencies. Perhaps most surprising of all, when asked to choose among seven options, ranging from Beijing appointment of the chief executive through various changes to the Election Committee, to direct election, 63 per cent of the functional constituency voters supported universal suffrage, compared with 59 per cent of the geographical voters. Another revealing finding is that functional constituency voters are more willing than other sectors to see all these constituencies abolished in one go to pave the way for a universal suffrage election of the legislature. While only 17 per cent of geographically active voters favoured such a move, it was backed by 30 per cent of the functionally active. Together, the findings suggest that functional constituency voters, who tend to be better educated and of a higher social status, are not against democracy. While they are opposed to what they consider radical change, they do favour universal suffrage as the ultimate goal. The survey suggests that more than 10 per cent of the population opposes the abolition of functional seats. This means there may well be substantial support for a two-chamber model for the legislature. Clearly, there is much to consider in the coming months and years, even after the election of the next chief executive. It would be good if the central and Hong Kong governments, as well as local political parties remember the will of the public when making decisions. Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator frank.ching@gmail.com
