bodyType

customContents

entityId

entityUuid

articlePageQuery

filter

article

articleBaseAdvertisingInfoArticle

articleListArticle

articleSeoArticle

helpersCheckIsPostiesArticle

hooksArticleAcknowledgementGateOverlayArticle

hooksTrackPageViewArticle

hooksContentInterestArticle

articleLinkingDataContent

hooksAmpRedirectArticle

articleSchemaContent

liveArticle

advertZone

sentiment

contentLock

topics

types

sections

moreOnThisArticles

urlAlias

commentCount

authorLocations

authors

paywallTypes

corrections

sponsorType

displaySlideShow

multimediaEmbed

printHeadline

seriesContainer

socialHeadline

headline

flag

firstTopic

glossary

flattenTypeIds

publishedDate

additionalInfoBoxes

images

image

relatedLinks

relatedNewsletters

__typename

createdDate

sponsor

pdfFiles

seriesReverseOrder

series

disableOffPlatformContent

published

updatedDate

summary

subHeadline

body

keywords

readingTime

customTimezone

liveContents

SCMP Reporter

The race to become chief executive is over. It didn't really begin. A victory for Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, the central government's favoured candidate, was never in doubt.

He will officially be declared the winner today, opening a new chapter in Hong Kong's history. Mr Tsang has promised a fresh start and a new style of leadership. Most Hong Kong people are prepared to give him a chance.

But the brief 'election' campaign highlighted some of the difficulties Mr Tsang will face during his two-year term at the top. It has also provided new insight into the man who prides himself on having lived the Hong Kong dream.

The system by which an elite 800-member committee chooses the chief executive leaves little scope for a genuine contest with public participation. But even by those standards, the 'race' was a disappointment.

Mr Tsang has secured 674 nominations and a further 36 pledges of support. This means his opponents cannot achieve the 100 nominations needed to stand against him. There will be no challenger - and no secret ballot. It was just the same in 2002 when Tung Chee-hwa was given a second term.

This has much to do with the way in which Mr Tsang fought his campaign - he was determined  to fight for as many nominations as possible.

He only needed 100 to stand. The drive for 700 was motivated by a desire to preclude any challenge. This meant putting Election Committee members on the spot and requiring them to declare publicly whether they supported the candidate backed by Beijing.

Some said they were coming under pressure from mainland officials to support Mr Tsang. Others worried about the implications of nominating a rival candidate. A few even left Hong Kong to avoid embarrassment.

One local deputy to the National People's Congress, Victor Sit Fung-shuen, had the courage to nominate Democratic Party chief Lee Wing-tat instead, in protest at what he claimed was the 'distortion' of the election process.

The result of all this is that Hong Kong was deprived of a real contest. Mr Tsang will not benefit from the extra legitimacy an election by secret ballot would have given him. His overwhelming victory will always be tainted by a perception that many voters backed him to please Beijing.

HARD WORK

But even with the central government's support, Mr Tsang had to work surprisingly hard to secure his victory - although it was always assured. He rather arrogantly pledged to go for a 'knockout blow' that would swiftly end the pain suffered by his opponents. This took longer than expected. There were times when Mr Tsang seemed to be the one who was feeling the pain.

The veteran civil servant promised at the outset of the campaign that he would not make political compromises in order to win votes. 'I don't want political baggage to distort my values,' he said.

But social workers were wooed with promises that they would be represented on a key policy-making committee. Three unionists even secured promises regarding a minimum wage. The political baggage is there. Whether or not it distorts Mr Tsang's values remains to be seen.

REACHING OUT

He did make an effort to reach out to the people. His political philosophy was outlined in slick speeches, a platform was published and there were meet-and-greet sessions with members of the public. This was a big improvement on the low-level campaign conducted by Mr Tung in 2002.

But there was little spontaneity. The visits to public places were carefully stage-managed and selected for their PR value. Mr Tsang refused to take part in forums with other would-be candidates. And most of his meetings with Election Committee members were held behind closed doors. More of an attempt could have been made to ignite a public debate.

When he did make off-the-cuff remarks, they sometimes raised concerns. Mr Tsang suggested proposed new security laws might need to be tightened, he criticised RTHK for broadcasting entertainment programmes, and hinted that he might go soft on plans to introduce a goods and services tax. His proposals for revamping the policy-making process have also led to controversy.

None of this has dampened Mr Tsang's popularity with the public. A recent poll suggested he enjoys 78 per cent support. Ironically, he might have enjoyed a smoother ride if competing in a direct election based on universal suffrage. His biggest challenge now is to maintain the public's confidence.

The campaign has shown that Mr Tsang cannot assume he will continue to receive support from influential sectors of the community, especially the pro-Beijing camp.

He is likely to face a tough two years, which will require him to call on all his experience and political skills.

This election was always going to be the easy one for Mr Tsang. The real test will come if, as expected, he stands again in 2007. Fiercer competition is likely next time - and it is hoped a more representative election system that will give Hong Kong a real contest.



Real test for Tsang has just begun