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An indecent proposal

Under the pretext of cultivating political talent for Hong Kong, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong has asked chief executive-designate Donald Tsang Yam-kuen to create a new layer of political aides for policy secretaries. The idea is to give them some practical experience to pave the way for a future political career.

This is a dirty demand. Mr Tsang said he would not make any promises in return for nominations by Election Committee members. It will be a major disappointment to the public if he fails to keep his word. In hindsight, Mr Tsang put himself in an unnecessarily difficult position by aiming for as many nominations as possible. The public is, no doubt, curious about whether he made any behind-the-scenes deals with the power blocs in the committee, the biggest of which is the DAB.

Mr Tsang should be aware that his biggest political asset is his popularity. Beijing has allowed this 'remnant of British colonial rule' to take the top post because of this support. The people approve of him primarily because they were fed up with his predecessor, Tung Chee-hwa. Many simply want to restore the old system, in which society was led by the elite and an efficient civil service, with an elaborate public consultation mechanism.

Even if that arrangement fell short of people's desire for universal suffrage, it was far better than what Mr Tung had to offer. Mr Tsang, thus, become a Hobson's choice. It explains the apparent contradiction that while 70 per cent of people are in favour of full, direct elections, 80 per cent supported Mr Tsang being elected through the undemocratic 'small circle' poll.

Should Mr Tsang cede to the DAB's demand, the old system would be ruined. The people would become disillusioned, as the already confusing political infrastructure became a complete mess. The proposed political aides are meant to come from political parties, that is, outside the administration. Like the incumbent policy secretaries, they would have a hard time securing the co-operation and respect of civil servants. It would also be hard for policy secretaries to trust them, given their political affiliations.

The argument that these political aides could help secure votes in the Legislative Council is also full of holes. Mr Tung tried to trade for support by elevating some party leaders to the Executive Council. Yet, his dream of a ruling alliance was never realised. If adopted, the DAB's proposal would be a one-way street for transferring political benefits to selected parties.

In a nutshell, taxpayers' money would be used to buy the loyalty of a few political parties. This would be unfair to other parties, and to young hopefuls with no party background.

Why should the DAB be allowed to nominate any member, with or without a proven track record, for such an important role?

The so-called 'accountability system' of principal officials is ill-conceived and has given rise to many problems. If this were not the case, Mr Tsang would not be poised to reinstate the executive-led system.

In effect, the DAB is seeking more political free lunches. If it is keen to open wider the doors for budding politicians, it would be much better to resurrect the urban and regional councils, demolished by Mr Tung. This would expand the democratic institution. Another possibility is to do away with the appointment system for the 18 district councils, which would allow more party members into the electoral process.

Even though Mr Tsang has not been elected through universal suffrage, he has managed to gain high popularity ratings. Popularity, however, is precarious. If he fails to live up to the people's expectations, Mr Tsang's ratings could plummet overnight. As one of his supporters, I can only hope that he rejects this indecent political deal.

Albert Cheng King-hon is a directly elected legislator

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