Selection by 700 or so nominees from a committee of 800 members is not democratic, and arguably unrepresentative. However, when Democratic Party chairman Lee Wing-tat decided to make a contest of it with Donald Tsang Yam-kuen within this arena, he effectively gave it legitimacy. While the selection of Mr Tsang as chief executive may not involve direct elections, as preferred under a fully democratic system, the process is evolving, and is clearly more transparent than when Tung Chee-hwa was initially selected by Deng Xiaoping and reselected by Jiang Zemin for his second term. Just as Mr Tung's aloof style reflected that of Mr Jiang, so Mr Tsang seems to be following Premier Wen Jiabao's , by reaching out to the grass-roots sector through his street walks and shop visits. While unnecessary to ensure his selection, by going through the motions of a campaign, Mr Tsang has done Hong Kong a service by showing Beijing what the future will hold when he is challenged by serious contenders in 2007. So, at least the process of change has begun. This can evolve over time. More significantly, as Beijing observes from a distance, it may wonder whether Hong Kong could be a model for future change on the mainland. Imagine the Communist Party general secretary one day being selected by an electorate council of 800 members in a similar manner. Certainly, it is not democratic by western standards, yet such an approach will provide far more transparency than anything mainland China has today. Back-room lobbying and horse trading will remain a core part of China's political system. But it is strange that no one bothers to ask what happens behind the scenes during Democratic and Republican party selections of US presidential candidates. The reality is that, in Hong Kong, the role of government has changed. In the 1980s and 1990s, Hong Kong's administration was the cutting edge of China's trade and finance. No one looked to the government for anything other than to keep out of their affairs. But since the Asian financial crisis in 1997, Sars, and the rise of economic power centres like Shanghai, Guangzhou and Beijing, Hong Kong's focus has shifted. Its economy is now more reactive to and dependent on mainland conditions, rather than serving as the driving force behind them. This is the economic reality. Rather than being pleased with a government that never interferes, Hong Kong people have felt, in recent years, that under Mr Tung it was not taking care of them. So, the people demanded a new leader. That is precisely what Beijing has now given them. It seems that for people in Hong Kong, the old administrative structure still gives them confidence; they know what to expect. In such a volatile financial centre, confidence is a core value. The business style of Mr Tung and his tycoon associates, when wheeling and dealing, did not exude either a sense of stability or confidence. This places Mr Tsang in a unique position. While he comes from the classic civil service mould, he may also be able to hone a popular touch in the way that some past British governors were able to, and Mr Tung, ironically, was not. Clearly, Mr Tsang's recent street campaigning was focused on achieving this. While some people feel that the world he came from is out of touch and, by nature, elitist, maybe Mr Tsang's new style could begin to change the nature of that bureaucracy, as well. Certainly, Mr Tsang is trying to get close to the people. Perhaps he will show up at the July 1 rally with a team of civil servants preparing to accept the specific complaints of various interest groups. Then he could demonstrate that the special administrative region and central governments are not trying to control Hong Kong people, but are finally listening to them, instead. Laurence Brahm is a political economist and lawyer based in Beijing
