In a research project this year, I looked into how the system of functional constituencies in the Legislative Council may have influenced economic policy in Hong Kong. The study - part of a project sponsored by the think-tank Civic Exchange - was based principally on the stances taken by individual councillors on key economic issues, in Legco debates, from 2000 to 2004. Not surprisingly, I found that the 30 functional representatives pressed the interests of their own constituencies, first and foremost. The party line was also important for the half of them who were members of political parties - more than half of those were Liberals. Ten of the 30 occasionally made what were, in my judgment, significant contributions that were independent of functional lobby or party. In a few cases, the system has provided a route into politics for capable people who might not have reached Legco through the more rumbustuous route of an election in a geographic constituency. The functional constituencies themselves are heavily skewed towards the business and professional sectors. Looking at that from another angle, one can say that they represent almost exclusively the producers and suppliers of goods and services, as against the consumers. Even the members representing such areas as health, education and social services are elected by the providers of those services, not the users. Members from the labour constituencies, who might be expected to have larger concerns for the general welfare of citizens, are inclined to focus mostly on people's interests only as employees. Thus the functional system provides virtually no voice for consumers, pensioners, environmentalists and so on. The predominance of business interests creates mutual reinforcement between these councillors and the Liberal Party. This alliance has a habit of calling for government assistance for particular sectors. Over the four years in question there were calls for, among other things, a border industrial zone, a technology processing zone, a design and fashion hub, a logistics park, better tourism infrastructure, support for the creative arts, assistance for small business and job creation for the low-skilled. Often, there appeared to be a sort of tacit chemistry among the functional members: each would support the other's plea - or, at least, not oppose it. Government does not always yield to interventionist pressure. But several instances - such as Cyberport, the science and technology park, the Disney theme park, the proposed cultural hub and promised support for the creative arts - suggest a possible drift in recent years towards greater government involvement in directing the economy. This may be the system's main legacy. Another finding is that functional representatives may not feel obliged to stay alert to the needs of the citizenry as a whole. That is because they are rarely, if ever, called on to intercede for constituents on issues outside their narrow functional realm. As a result they may, if they choose, largely close their eyes to issues beyond their own constituency. Some of them did, indeed, adopt a pretty minimalist approach to their responsibilities - although others displayed a stronger sense of public duty. For example, those whose constituency interests were most directly related to the performance of the economy tended, understandably, to be the most active in the area of economic policy. Hong Kong will be saddled with its functional constituencies for some years yet. There are 30 people there each pitching hard for his or her narrow interests, often blinkered to the wider issues of the day. It is one thing to recognise the resulting impact on policy, but quite another to do anything about it. Tony Latter's study, carried out while he was a visiting professor at the University of Hong Kong, is available at www.civic-exchange.org , and is included in a book on functional constituencies soon to be published by Civic Exchange
