Recovering in her hospital bed from shrapnel wounds incurred during the worst terrorist violence in Jordanian history, Sanaa Tas, 52, could not fathom why fellow Muslims had targetted the wedding she was attending at Amman's Radisson SAS Hotel for a suicide bombing. 'Why are they doing this?' she asked. 'If they want to kill the enemy, Israel is here. But why us?' Ms Tas' shock over the triple bombings on November 9 that killed 57 people at hotels in the capital, Amman, has been widely shared in normally tranquil Jordan. The attacks were claimed by al-Qaeda, led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the head of the insurgency against US forces in Iraq and the Shi'ite and Kurdish dominated government in Baghdad. Amid revulsion like that of Ms Tas', Jordanians are rallying around King Abdullah II. Zarqawi's cause, which has enjoyed popularity in Jordan, is suffering a backlash. 'Zarqawi made a critical error by causing casualties among Jordanians. Targetting a wedding party did not go over well,' said Joost Hiltermann, the Amman-based Middle East project director for the International Crisis Group. 'On balance the regime has emerged from this stronger.' Three Chinese citizens were killed in the bombings and one was wounded. They were part of a delegation from China's University of National Defence, which stayed in one of the hotels, according to Xinhua. The three fatalities were identified as Sun Jingbo, 41, Pan Wei, 44, and Zhang Kangping, 42. Yao Liqiang, 42, suffered a leg fracture. The main concern of Jordanians after the bombings has been the possibility of more attacks. At a rally against the bombings last week outside the Radisson SAS Hotel, university student Yazam Hijazin was asked if he feared more attacks. 'I have faith in my country, my government and police,' he said. 'But I'm really worried.' The concerns persist even after the government announced that security forces had arrested Sajida Mubarak Rishawi, identified as the wife of one of the suicide bombers. Paraded on Jordanian Television, she told how she, too, had tried to detonate herself in the Radisson but could not set off her explosives. Zarqawi, who comes from Zarqa, Jordan, is seen as highly motivated to carry out further attacks to punish Jordan for its support of the US war effort in Iraq and in a bid to overthrow the monarchy. If he were to hit a strictly US target in Jordan, that would gain considerable backing, say analysts. The government's decision to side with Washington in the war has been unpopular among many Jordanians. Jordan is seen as a pivotal ally by the US not only for its stance in Iraq, but also because it's viewed as a moderating force on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Enjoying good relations with both Israel and the Palestinian Authority, Amman has backed efforts to restart Middle East peace negotiations. Jordan also has a long border with Syria, which is under intensive US pressure for allegedly harbouring terrorist groups and for its alleged role in the assassination of Lebanon's former prime minister Rafik Hariri. Since the bombings, the Jordanian government has kept up an intensive media campaign to reassure the public that it's fully in control of the situation and that the country's stability is safe. The rapid arrest of would-be bomber Rishawi was cited by television commentators as clear evidence that the security forces are performing well. 'There was no security gap, [the attacks] were the hitting of a soft target. Terrorism in Jordan is in a crisis and has to hit soft targets,' said political analyst Rajah Talab on one programme. The media put great stress on the government's statements that no Jordanians were involved in the bombing. It repeatedly showed footage of hand-to-hand combat and exercises by security forces backed by patriotic music and aired reassuring reports that the foreign investment and tourism on which the kingdom depends would not be adversely affected. But, despite the praise for the security forces, 11 top officials were replaced on Tuesday, including the security chief, Saad Kheir. If there are more attacks, the country's growing tourism industry, which is pivotal to the Jordanian economy, would be hard hit. Revenue generated by tourism in the first half of 2005 passed 420 million dinars (US$593 million). But perhaps an even bigger casualty of the bombings is the idea of democratising Jordan, where power is concentrated in the hands of King Abdullah II, a small political elite of which he's the patron, and the security forces. The king had promised reforms that would reduce the power of the security services in public life. But, in the wake of the bombings, the government is drafting anti-terrorism legislation that allows authorities to hold suspects for questioning indefinitely and sets tough punishments for anyone who condones or supports acts of terror, something that analysts say could be broadly interpreted and misused. A former security official quoted by the Jordan Times newspaper said new security strictures were necessary because 'the bombings hit the country really hard. People are still in shock and there are growing fears of other attempts by al-Qaeda against the country'. Jordan has no political parties except the Islamic Action Front, a group co-opted by the regime. There's little freedom of expression, with the media exercising self-censorship. Muslim clerics are appointed by the government. With the bombings taking away pressure for reforms, there will be no real change, something that's risky in the long run, in Mr Hiltermann's view. 'If the system isn't opened up carefully and gradually, all the deep emotions will remain bottled up. Eventually, they'll come out, people will resort to violence.'