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Beijing's push for power beyond its borders

While America's political leaders and its people focus on Iraq, China appears to have embarked on a long-range plan intended to challenge for military superiority in Asia.

Beijing's latest policy document on defence asserts: 'To build a powerful and fortified national defence is a strategic task of China's modernisation drive.' Using code words for the US, the paper says: 'Hegemonism and power politics remain key factors in undermining international security.'

The document envisions three phases: to lay a solid foundation by 2010, to make 'major progress' by 2020, and to reach the strategic goal of building armed forces capable of winning hi-tech wars by the mid-21st century.

In a report more candid than earlier versions, the 2006 paper says military spending from 1990 to 2005 rose at an annual average rate of 9.6 per cent, after adjusting for inflation. That is the highest growth rate of defence spending among the world's large nations, and is rooted in China's burgeoning coffers, filled by a rapidly expanding economy.

Beijing's military budget for last year, the report says, was US$35.9 billion, up from US$31.3 billion in 2005. US intelligence analysts estimate that overall military spending is at least twice as much, since many defence-related expenditures do not appear in official figures.

The white paper indicates that most of the money involved in the spending increases has gone into the navy, air force and what its called the 'second artillery', which is the nuclear force. These are the services whose missions are to project power beyond China's borders.

The targeting of US forces in East Asia is sometimes cloaked in euphemisms, but the meanings are clear.

The document asserts: 'Some developed countries have increased their input into the military and speeded up R&D [research and development] of hi-tech weaponry to gain military superiority.'

At other times, the paper is forthright in disclosing how Beijing sees things: 'The United States is accelerating its realignment of military deployment to enhance its military capability in the Asia-Pacific region.'

And: 'The United States and Japan are strengthening their military alliance in pursuit of operational integration.'

Although there is an undertone of hostility towards the US, the benefits of military exchanges last year are acknowledged. There is reference to the joint maritime search and rescue exercises carried out between the Chinese and US navies in the offshore waters of San Diego.

The US Pacific Command, with its headquarters in Hawaii, has encouraged those exchanges to try to avoid China miscalculating US intentions.

One thing that has not changed - and indeed is reinforced in the document - is the fact that China's armed forces are under the leadership of the communist party. In most other nations, the armed forces are under government control and owe allegiance to the constitution or the nation - not to a political party.

Nor is the Taiwan question neglected. The document, noting that China claims sovereignty over the island, contends: 'The struggle to oppose and contain the separatist forces for 'Taiwan independence' and their activities remains a hard one.'

The tone, however, seems to be somewhat less harsh than that which had been used when addressing the issue in the 2004 defence paper.

On the other hand, the People's Liberation Army has adopted a new policy that, if carried out, would gladden the hearts of soldiers in any army, anywhere: 'The food supply for officers and men aims at providing sufficient nutrition rather than just serving enough food.'

Richard Halloran is a former New York Times foreign correspondent in Asia and military correspondent in Washington

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