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Extensive media coverage of child slavery and the atrocious working conditions found in brick kilns in Shanxi province  has once again highlighted the dark side of China's pursuit of growth at all costs.  The cruelty of unscrupulous businessmen and the  corruption and indifference displayed by local government officials have shocked and angered many people.

But at the same time, it is hardly surprising  such an abominable situation exists in China, given the fact  the country's economic development is still a  herculean  work in progress.

If anything, similar patterns of injustice  are probably far more common than most people realise.

So I was dismayed to hear one foreign China-watcher, who should know better, say that this instance of 'moral breakdown' had shattered his 'optimism about China'.

The issue is not whether the brick kiln  operators'  labour exploitation was immoral - of course it was. Nonetheless, it is irrational to draw the worst conclusions about China's future based on this one particular case of blatant roguery.

Despite all its problems, it should not be forgotten that China has come a long way and, on the whole, continues to make economic and social progress.

That is not to deny that for many people in China today exposure to the nasty, brutish and arbitrary side of life remains all too frequent.

In 2004, in a case that made the recent tainted pet-food scandal seem trivial by comparison, more than a dozen babies in Anhui province  died of malnutrition after drinking  fake baby formula. Substandard food quality is a recurrent problem in China  where low-end eateries use cooking oil illegally recycled from the  sewage system in order to save money.

Gangsterism is common. Take the case of Yang Shukuan ,  38, a businessman and budding warlord in the city of Tangshan, in Hebei province. He was arrested in  March  for extorting  hundreds of millions of yuan from local companies, all the while under the protection of  local military commanders.

During his criminal exploits Yang was also able to amass a small private army, equipped with guns and an armoured vehicle.

By comparison to other such scandals, the brick-kiln incident arguably touched a new low in terms of Chinese society's apparent moral decay and lawlessness. Presumably that is what made the China-watcher  alter his outlook on the country's prospects.

But how many people know  some industrial 'accidents' on the mainland are  done deliberately so  the victims or their relatives can claim compensation? Under such  circumstances who is to say which crime constitutes  a new nadir in morality?

Unfortunately, this sorry state of affairs will not change any time soon.

It is inconceivable that those  manufacturing fake baby milk powder or engaging in the child-labour trade could have done so without protection from various levels of government.

Another harsh reality of today's China is that the central government really has difficulty reining in local governments. After more than two decades of the pro-growth incentive structure, it will take time to wean local officials from their get-rich-quick  mindset.

Despite rapid economic development China's middle class has not reached a critical mass,  in terms of either their numbers or collective political consciousness, to enable it to trigger meaningful change in the  body politic.

As for the  rural masses, who are for the most part the victims of the country's scandals,  they are even less capable of initiating systemic reform than their urban compatriots. The only saving grace is that the domestic media, despite tight government controls,  is becoming more open and aggressive.

Internet chat rooms are full of provocative comments about all kinds of current events. Indeed, it was parents  writing on the internet about their kidnapped children that first alerted  reporters  to the existence of the brick-kiln slaves.

In a perverse way, this scandal shows that an accurate portrait of today's China cannot be painted in black and white. Rather, the country must be seen through shades of grey.

An oft-heard phrase goes 'China really is a big country', and to many foreigners it exhibits a jarring juxtaposition of barbaric cruelty and boundless promise.

To most Chinese though, who have lived through worse atrocities during the Cultural Revolution and the pre-reform era, the mainland is basically on the right track, both economically and socially.

Of course, the country's leaders - who professedly want to build a 'harmonious society' - should do a lot more to combat persistent injustices.

However, those who analyse China as outside observers  should keep their eyes on the fundamental trends moving the country, rather than becoming distracted by sensational headlines.

Steven Sitao Xu is the Economist Intelligence Unit Corporate Network's director of advisory services in China



Shades of grey