Playing Cambodian 'threat' for own gain
Thai-Cambodian relations are once again suffering from the vicious game of domestic politics.
Last week, Thailand's Department of Special Investigation alleged that a number of 'red shirt' militants were being trained in Cambodia. The department claimed that those arrested have confessed that they were 'politically indoctrinated' and trained how to use weapons at a jungle base in Cambodia's Siem Reap province.
The Cambodian government was furious. It immediately denied any involvement in the red shirts' supposed armed movement. The allegations have badly affected the already fragile bilateral relationship, which had improved slightly in the past few months.
The anti-government factions say such allegations may in fact benefit the Thai authorities.
For one thing, it legitimises the remaining emergency decree in Bangkok and surrounding provinces. Identifying the face of enemies can also justify the government's mandate to rule. The government of Abhisit Vejjajiva has long been criticised for lacking legitimacy. Claiming to fight what is seen as a threat to national security could confer it much needed political legitimacy.
Following the announcement of such allegations, the department was harshly condemned for working at the behest of the establishment forces to exploit state mechanisms to eliminate political opponents, both in the opposition Puea Thai party and in the red shirt movement.
It is convenient for the authorities to keep dragging Cambodia into Thailand's protracted crisis for a number of reasons. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is known to have forged an intimate friendship with former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Hun Sen's earlier support for the red shirts also gave traditional elites a convenient scapegoat whenever they encounter a legitimacy crisis at home.
The ruling Democrat Party, perceived as a defender of the interests of the traditional elites, could soon be dissolved if found guilty of electoral fraud. Diverting attention from domestic crisis to international politics is always a useful tactic. In other words, the government is willing to jeopardise its ties with Cambodia for the sake of ensuring its political survival.
Turning the red shirt movement into a national threat is also a long-term strategy. The Democrat government will one day call for an election; and many Thais who still love and respect their fugitive leader Thaksin will likely vote for Puea Thai. Thus, the process of alienating members of the red shirt movement is ongoing. Painting them as terrorists or militants could indeed serve to frighten off some voters who would otherwise back them.
It is clear that Thai-Cambodian relations have become a casualty of Thailand's domestic conflict. From the territorial dispute over the Preah Vihear Temple, to the appointment of Thaksin as Cambodia's economic adviser, to the accusation of Cambodia providing a training camp for the red shirts, these contentious issues have potentially further deepened mutual mistrust.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a fellow at Singapore's Institute of South East Asian Studies
