Thirteen years into the implementation of the 'one country, two systems' policy in Hong Kong, critics are saying it is dead. I don't think so, as we can see from the Liu Xiaobo case. The furious reactions from Beijing to the Norwegian Nobel Committee's decision to award Liu the 2010 Peace Prize for his long-standing non-violent fight for human rights in China has set in train events which highlight the fact that the policy is alive and well in Hong Kong. A prolific writer, Liu has criticised mercilessly the 'dictatorial' Chinese political system. He hopes that mainland Chinese will - like their Hong Kong compatriots - enjoy freedom with dignity. His fearless defence of human rights has earned him many admirers worldwide, but the wrath of Beijing. He was sentenced to 11 years in prison on charges of subversion after co-authoring Charter 08, a petition calling for political reform. Human rights and media organisations had earlier honoured him with awards, and concerned Hong Kong citizens held several vigils to celebrate him. Lee Cheuk-yan and Albert Ho Chun-yan, respectively the vice-chairman and secretary of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, are leading an international campaign to secure his release. Lech Walesa, who won the 1983 Peace Prize, signed a letter initiated by the alliance urging the release of Liu and his wife, Liu Xia , who is under de facto house arrest. Although Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen has failed to support Liu's release and the legislature has failed to pass a motion urging the same, Hong Kong's civil society is leading an international drive to free him. Its efforts have been noted: earlier this month Amnesty International's secretary general, Salil Shetty, praised Hong Kong's freedom and remarked that the city is 'a particularly open part of the Chinese world'. Contrast Hong Kong with Macau, which has implemented the 'two systems' policy for more than a decade with much satisfaction from Beijing. Macau passed a national security bill without incident, after Hongkongers beat back a 2003 attempt by the government to introduce it - and Tsang has declared that he is not going to pursue it during his term. Moreover, Macau is increasingly turning away Hong Kong activists, ostensibly for security reasons. In Beijing's scheme of things, Hong Kong should be confined to its role as an economic, financial and transport centre. Yet the policy has allowed Hong Kong to continue playing a political role for the advancement of China. Historically, Sun Yat-sen used Hong Kong to launch the revolution that overthrew the Qing dynasty. The Hong Kong Alliance is devoted to the aim of ending one-party dictatorship in order to build a democratic China, and its international activities for Liu are in Sun's footsteps. No wonder Beijing is so paranoid, and has proscribed the alliance, which nevertheless is legal in Hong Kong. The weeks before the Nobel ceremony will see much of world opinion harden against China. The Liu case is becoming an unmitigated disaster for Chinese foreign policy; the goodwill earned at the Beijing Olympics and Shanghai Expo in the quest to expand its soft power is being eroded. Beijing has insisted the prize is a Western conspiracy to destabilise China. Its embassy in Oslo has urged Western countries not to attend the award ceremony, but many countries, including Britain and France, will go. The tragedy is that the Liu case is not an isolated incident, and is symptomatic of China's appalling violations against its citizens' human rights. Artist Ai Weiwei , who helped create the Olympics Bird's Nest stadium, was placed for a while under house arrest without any explanation. More treacherous is the jailing of Zhao Lianhai , whose own son was a victim of melamine-tainted milk, for organising a support group for parents of affected children. Even establishment figures such as several deputies of the National People's Congress and advisers of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference have openly raised questions. Unless Beijing reverses its stance on Liu, China has little hope of improving its international image. Lee and Ho, both Hong Kong legislators, have been invited to attend the award ceremony. They are due to demonstrate in front of the Chinese embassy in Oslo on December 9 and at the City Hall where the ceremony will be held the next day. While Beijing was able to stop Mo Shaoping , the head of the law firm that represents Liu, and Peking University law professor He Weifang from boarding a flight to London earlier this month to attend a conference - under the pretext of endangering national security - Hong Kong's Basic Law provides for not only freedom of expression but also freedom of travel. The secretary of the Nobel Committee pointed out that Liu's award may become one of the peace prize's most important if, for the first time in its history, the winner or a representative is not able to accept the prize. Stay tuned for the high drama that is unfolding on the world stage. James Chui served at the United Nations for 20 years before he taught international relations at the London School of Economics. scmpchui@yahoo.com.hk
