The world order that drove globalisation is crumbling and being replaced with one based on security rather than economics. New security arrangements can lead to a spiral of mutual suspicion, stifle growth and innovation, and hamper our ability to address global threats like climate change.

Macron has been championing ‘strategic autonomy’ for the European Union at a time when the need for the EU to come into its own as an independent force for peace and international cooperation is greater than ever. His pragmatic and pro-business stance on China is also welcome.

Multinationals caught in geopolitical crossfire are finding that China continues to offer growth and opportunities, as long as they can find niches aligned with Beijing’s long-term development strategy.

Talk of a Sino-Russia-US ‘strategic triangle’ forces an outdated framework onto a changing, multipolar world and increases the risk of a great-power conflict. Such rhetoric is made more dangerous given that the real struggle of the 21st century – climate change – must be fought collectively, not between rival powers.

China’s story cannot be told in terms of GDP and bilateral trade alone. An effective way to boost credibility and emotional pull is to let diverse voices tell stories about China, forming a rich, eclectic non-governmental discourse.

With the US and Europe now seeking to outcompete China in funding infrastructure programmes across the developing world, the benefits of such goodwill can only be undermined by uncoordinated development.

China wants to be at the heart of ‘Economic Asia’ and is seeking to join trade pacts including the CPTPP. The US, meanwhile, wants to uphold its centrality in ‘Security Asia’ by forging narrow alliances, and continues to fail to engage on trade.

It is essential to welcome multinational enterprises by creating a more fair and open business environment. Attracting more multinational enterprises to China is an important way to nurture friendly and stable relations between China and other countries.

China’s accession to the WTO in 2001 reshaped the country and world trade, bringing great benefits to all. As the WTO opens a fresh chapter under new leadership, China is well-placed to help rebuild the organisation for the post-pandemic world.

The infrastructure spending sprees favoured by wealthy nations are out of reach for less-well-off countries. The AIIB has the scope and track record to expand its remit to a global level and help those left behind by the global recovery.

Apart from promising European firms greater market access, the investment agreement promotes cooperation on the environment and will force China to reform parts of its economy that are not in line with international practices.

China’s plans to boost consumption will make it the RECP’s main import magnet, catalysing regional integration, even as RCEP membership opens doors to more trade deals for a reforming China.

China’s policy goals and restructuring mean its growth, mostly in domestic consumption, will increasingly come from fields in which EU firms excel. Rather than see China’s industrial transformation as a threat, EU firms should identify opportunities and align their strategies.

Canada has the right to halt the case, and strong reasons to do so, given the legal questions around the arrest and Trump’s political motivations.

The good news is Beijing’s experience shows we can tame second waves in a way that minimises disruption through greater preparedness and understanding. In the next stretch of the battle against the coronavirus, global anti-pandemic efforts need to be smarter and more collaborative.

Collapsing trade must be rebuilt to spur recovery. The WTO can work on addressing trade restrictions on key supplies in the short term, and lead discussions to lower tariffs and facilitate e-commerce and agricultural trade in the long term.

Since the end of the cold war, the rationales used to justify the binary of East and West have been undercut by globalisation. However, Europe still has a role to play in balancing China and the US, and promoting global cooperation.

While some have pointed out that the global economy is more vulnerable to shocks to China’s economy than during the Sars outbreak, China today has more effective policy levers, deeper resources and better production capacity.

Chinese tourist traffic to the world is growing but not the other way round. To decrease its deficit in trade in services and improve the world’s understanding of the nation, China must develop new ways to enhance visitors’ experiences.

In a multipolar world, a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach to development will not work. We must find ways to accommodate ‘developmental diversity’ while upholding the institutions that support international cooperation.

China, having benefited tremendously from WTO membership, is now in a position to spearhead WTO reforms as a bridge between developed and developing nations. It won’t be easy but Beijing can get the ball rolling in areas of agreement such as e-commerce regulations and marine plastic pollution.

The Middle East faces a transition to a post-oil economy, impeded by great power interference and inter-regional rifts. Solutions should come within the region, but Beijing is uniquely positioned as a partner, mediator and customer.

Since the CPTPP’s launch, the massive trade pact has been beneficial to its members, and China would be no different. Other members have also shown interest in Beijing joining, which would be one step closer to a free-trading Asia-Pacific.

Hong Kong has prospered as a gateway to China. Now, the Greater Bay Area offers an opportunity for the city to reposition itself as a hub for talent and innovation, thus offering brighter options for its unsettled young people.

China has a talent-deficit problem that, if unsolved, will constrain its ability to innovate and further develop. It should take several steps to meet the challenge, starting with removing the wall between local and international students.

China should address American concerns on investment and forge better non-governmental and state-level ties in the US, while each side should encourage more study, travel and work in the other country. Better data would also give a more balanced picture of trade.

The two countries should build on warmer ties fostered during the Indian prime minister’s first term to cooperate on China’s Belt and Road Initiative, deepen trade and investment, and promote greater exchange between people.

Absent a clearly defined plan, Beijing’s belt and road strategy has been misunderstood. It has evolved into a global development project in the past five years and should be redefined accordingly to dispel misunderstanding.