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Protesters in Mong Kok support a canopy after heavy rain late Monday night. Photo: AP
Opinion
Frank Ching
Frank Ching

With the world watching, will Beijing yet grant concessions on Hong Kong political reform?

Frank Ching says the students' achievement in highlighting to the world Hong Kong's fight for democracy could help enable change

Even if student activists don't get Beijing to withdraw its decision on universal suffrage, they have already done a remarkable thing by putting Hong Kong back on the map.

This is no mean achievement. Since the 1997 handover, the world has lost interest in Hong Kong. The severe acute respiratory syndrome epidemic briefly revived interest, but in a negative way.

When China denied Hong Kong the right to hold elections by universal suffrage in 2007-2008, the world barely noticed. When it happened again for the 2012 elections, the world shrugged.

This year, when the National People's Congress Standing Committee unveiled a strict model for universal suffrage elections, local people were unhappy, but what could they do? The organisers of Occupy Central admitted defeat and said they didn't mean to paralyse the Central business district after all, and would only hold a sit-in on a public holiday.

But then the students stepped in. Two days later, Occupy organisers realised they were missing the boat and announced that their campaign was starting immediately. But it has been a student-led show.

After the police made liberal use of pepper spray and tear gas on September 28, thousands of people, angered by what they saw on television, joined the students on the streets. The world sat up and took notice. Since then, Hong Kong has received saturation coverage in the international media.

Analysts make statements that are accepted as facts. Thus, Serge Schmemann, a member of the editorial board of , wrote in that newspaper: "Under the agreement by which Britain turned Hong Kong over to China in 1997, there are to be free elections for the city's chief executive in 2017."

There was no such agreement. The Sino-British Joint Declaration says nothing about free elections.

Similarly, Martin Jacques, in defence of Beijing, wrote in that while Hong Kong under the British "never enjoyed even a semblance of democracy", China in 1990 "adopted the Basic Law, which included the commitment that in 2017 the territory's chief executive would be elected by universal suffrage". But the Basic Law only states universal suffrage as the "ultimate aim" with no date. Where are the fact checkers?

The Chinese government has not bothered to point out such errors. Its position is that foreigners have no right to interfere in its internal affairs. Thus, Chinese officials are not about to debate the facts with critics.

In a way, such factual errors are immaterial since the primary message - that China is insisting on restricting choices of candidates in elections - is getting through. For that, we can thank the students.

What change is possible? It is important for Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying to be seen to be acting in the community's interests and not only as Beijing's man in Hong Kong. In the coming weeks, ways must be found to make members of the nominating committee more representative, preferably by being chosen through elections. In light of recent events, Beijing should understand.

This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: Global reach
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