The second question, once the final outcome is known, is whether or not the pan-democrats will have been successful in retaining their one-third blocking minority. This is important because changes to some key practices and procedures – including electoral reform itself – require a two-thirds majority.

In elections immediately after the handover, the pan-democrats could muster around 60 per cent of the popular vote. This has gradually softened to about 55 per cent, which is still enough to give them 24 or more of the 70 seats. But there is a danger of further softening, which would weaken their grip on the 35 geographical seats and five super seats, where they have done well in the past. In addition, pro-administration forces are making a determined bid to prise away some of the functional constituency seats traditionally held by pan-democrats. Either way, their hold on the blocking minority is at risk.

What are the major factors that could cause a shift in voter sentiment? The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong and other pro-government parties have made a big play on the lingering resentment about the disruption caused by Occupy and the extensive filibustering which has slowed or even prevented government business. For their part, the pan-dems have pointed to the manifestly inadequate political reform proposals and lack of progress on livelihood issues.

Personally, I do not see Occupy as a powerful tool. Hongkongers have short memories and a forgiving nature. The almost non-stop filibustering is a different matter. The pan-dems have taken their “stop CY at all costs” campaign too far. When even bringing in much-needed mild reform of the Medical Council becomes a victim of negative politics, I think many people start to lose patience. They may not actually switch their vote to another party, but they may well not bother to turn out, which would be just as damaging.

Failure to reform Medical Council boils down to one thing: doctors’ self-interest

The big new joker in the pack is the emergence of a group professing strong localist sympathies. Some of their supporters even use the word “independence” but I think that is more of a tactic to annoy Beijing and provoke the Liaison Office into overreacting. Similarly with the calls for Britain to resume sovereignty.

Will election ban on Hong Kong radical fuel a wave of public support for independence?

It seems likely they will draw thousands of votes, mostly, one suspects, from among traditional pan-democratic supporters. There is a real prospect of two or three localist candidates being elected, especially given the way our large population/multiple seat constituencies are structured. What is not known at this stage is how damaging this will be to the lists put up by the mainstream pan-democrats.

Another new factor is the decision by a number of long-serving political leaders to step down at this election and pass the baton to the next generation. They can do this either by not standing at all, or by dropping themselves down the list in the hope that the pulling power of their reputations will be enough to get the first person on the list elected even if most voters in the constituency have no clue as to who that candidate is. It was important for the parties to begin the renewal process, but it does introduce another element of uncertainty into what was already a fluid situation.

One way or the other, academics and commentators are going to have plenty of material to pore over in the very near future.

Mike Rowse is the CEO of Treloar Enterprises and an adjunct professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. [email protected]