Will Donald Trump make China great again?
Patrick Mendis says the new president will soon realise that an America-first agenda won’t work without a global supply chain – and China will figure in the deals he needs to strike
By ending the TPP trade pact, China would happily expand its domain of influence in the Pacific Rim while other American allies and friends inevitably look for a more reliable partner in the neighbourhood. As these geopolitical realities set in, will his campaign promises to “Make America Great Again” eventually default to “Making China Great Again”?
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Cancelling the colossal 12-nation trade pact and even renegotiating Nafta is no panacea for America’s domestic social decay, racial tensions and economic problems, which are largely attributed to technological advancements, demographic changes, corporate strategies and taxation structures.
It is likely that, once in office, Trump may realise that the checks and balances in US government make governing a country different from running a private enterprise. Wall Street, US multinationals and the US chambers of commerce would certainly challenge Trump on his trade and foreign policy positions.
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Nevertheless, Trump will have greater flexibility in the White House.
The Trump administration will certainly change course, especially in dealing with China.
Once Congress gets involved, the president may change his mind again. Thus, a potential renegotiation and rebranding of the TPP into a “Trump-Pacific Power” might be possible with bilateral trade agreements with each partner. He seems to believe bilaterally negotiated pacts will “bring jobs and industry back onto American shores” by using the techniques and insights expounded in his 1987 book, The Art of the Deal.
As the self-professed titan of deal-making, Trump could “Make America Great Again” by simply embracing, for political reasons, the founding vision: “Commerce with all nations, alliance with none, should be our motto. Money, not morality, is the principle commerce of civilised nations. Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none.”
Acting more like a Jeffersonian Republican, he may trade with everybody, like the Chinese do.
With Trump’s business acumen as a dealmaker, the Trump presidency is generally viewed as being better for China than having Hillary Clinton in the White House.
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Trump has already signalled that he may use alternative leverage to win over the Pacific Rim nations which would otherwise lose to China. In addition to meeting Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and speaking to President Xi, his other so-called cavalier phone conversations with leaders of Australia, the Philippines, Pakistan and most recently Taiwan were strategic messages – as he exemplified during his unorthodox presidential campaign and continued tweeting on China.
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While signalling these leverage points, the Trump White House is more likely to simultaneously accelerate the ongoing US-China bilateral investment treaty. With all this unconventional diplomatic manoeuvring in progress, Trump’s strategy may also force Beijing to give up support for inefficient state-owned enterprises that the Obama administration failed to address.
Given all this, the Trump presidency can hardly “Make America Great Again” without “Making China Great Again”. Just as Xi’s belt and road initiative is designed to revive Chinese history and culture, which was once admired by the US founding fathers, President-elect Trump needs to revisit Sino-American history before seeking to pressure an increasingly assertive China.
Prosperity for the US and China is connected. No matter what the effects of a Trump White House on China and the rest of the world, one thing is predictable: the US will have to accept China’s rise.
Patrick Mendis is an associate-in-research at the Fairbank Centre for Chinese Studies, Harvard University. The views expressed here are those of the author. He will give a public lecture on “The Future of President Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative: Challenges and Opportunities under US President Trump” on Friday, December 16, at the University of Hong Kong