A battle for plural, secular India as 900 million people gear up to vote
- The principles of liberty and citizen equality that are enshrined in the constitution are being threatened by a strengthening movement of Hindu nationalism under Modi’s rule. Yet, where is the credible alternative?
By way of numbers, this is the biggest electoral exercise in the world and ballot papers and officials will be spread across one million polling booths installed with electronic voting machines and a “voter verifiable paper audit trail” to minimise fraudulent practices – a charge often made in earlier elections. In addition, the Election Commission of India will deploy intrepid officials who travel on elephant, camel or yak – or just walk – to the most remote hamlets across the length and breadth of the country to ensure that every eligible voter can exercise his or her franchise.
At stake this time is a battle for the very idea of India, which has been held up as a democracy committed to a plural, secular and liberal ethos. In India, there should be no citizen discrimination on the basis of religion. The constitution adopted in January 1950 enshrined these principles and values and, barring a brief period when then prime minister Indira Gandhi imposed an emergency (1975-1977), there was an implicit acceptance that freedom, unity and equality were inherent in India’s vast diversity.
In this nation of 1.35 billion people, the diversity is bewildering. While Hindus constitute the majority religion (almost 80 per cent), the Muslim population, at about 180 million, is under 15 per cent and is the largest “minority”. Only in India could a demography of this order be referred to as a minority.
Concurrently, the constitution also sought to address centuries-old caste identity that was a major determinant in establishing indefensible social hierarchies.
For decades, the Congress party, led by India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1947-64) and later his daughter Indira Gandhi (assassinated in 1984) and subsequently his grandson Rajiv Gandhi (assassinated in 1991), steered the ship of state with visible adherence to the principles of liberty, citizen equality and keeping the majoritarian Hindu sentiment within the ambit of the constitutional framework.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, founded in 1980 through the merging of Hindu nationalist parties, slowly consolidated its position in the Hindi-speaking swathe of India and from winning just two seats in the 1984 election. It romped home to victory in the 2014 election with a record 282 seats.
This spectacular victory was enabled by projecting Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat, as the resolute PM-candidate, born to electioneering. The Modi profile was favourably burnished to disparage incumbent prime minister Manmohan Singh, an economist of global repute but an uncharismatic politician when it came to the hustings.
The air strike has been seen by large sections of India as being reflective of a “new India” – a resolute nation that will no longer be constrained by its own self-imposed red lines – and that the resolute Modi deserves a second term to complete the various tasks he has embarked upon to restore Indian pride.
Regrettably, Modi and his core team have chosen to ignore this trend, thereby allowing the perpetrators to act with even greater impunity. Unexpressed fear can be discerned among those citizens and groups who do not support the Modi trajectory with uncritical adulation.
Modi’s personal vendetta against the Nehru-Gandhi family is part of the current Indian political slugfest and it is ugly. The great Indian democratic churning process is under way through cyberspace, social media and hitting the road. What is at stake is the idea of India. Will fidelity to the liberal order and equal citizenship as enshrined in the constitution be respected? The outlook is murky.
Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar is director of the Society for Policy Studies (SPS), an independent think tank based in New Delhi