First trade, now education? Why US-China conflict must not be allowed to spill over
- Dmitriy Frolovskiy says paranoia about foreign influence in China and the US is hurting academia on both sides. Universities that depend on foreign students for revenue will suffer, and so will international exchange and diplomacy
As Washington and Beijing continue to spar over trade relations, education could ultimately bear the brunt. The sector that traditionally spurs progress could emerge as another stumbling block to China’s relations with the West – the trade war could lead to “education wars”.
China also continues to send more students abroad than any other nation. In 2017, 608,400 Chinese students pursued advanced studies overseas, a 12 per cent increase year on year. According to Unesco, there are currently more than 860,000 Chinese students abroad.
Such substantial numbers, in times of a growing rift between China and the US, could spell trouble, however. Trade tensions and political mistrust ultimately lead to concerns about possible spying operations in Western universities, with some analysts going as far as to refer to Chinese students as agents of their government.
The Wilson Centre in Washington recently published a report on the dangers of Chinese political influence and interference in US higher education. There have been media reports about the Chinese government exerting its influence in US universities by channelling funds into student and scholar associations.
Similar concerns have been raised in other Western nations. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute released a report saying that since 2007, the People’s Liberation Army had sponsored more than 2,500 military scientists and engineers to study abroad, and had developed relationships with researchers and institutions worldwide.
What these reports reveal is alarmism about the Chinese government allegedly exploiting Western openness to gain an advantage in science and education.
Although such distrust has been building up for some time, rising US-China tensions over trade, the Pacific and beyond could trigger a full-fledged education war, with each side striving to shield itself from alleged malevolence.
Academia traditionally requires openness, while mutual suspicion darkens lines of division. Ending collaboration could create an atmosphere of hostility to each other’s educational entities, while jeopardising intellectual freedom and critical thinking.
Although it has made progress over the last few decades, China still trails in some areas. Its extremely standardised curriculum does not allow students to develop critical thinking skills.
Since Western universities rely on foreign students for revenue, decreasing numbers of Chinese students abroad could worsen those schools’ money problems.
It could have an impact on international exchange and diplomacy. Perceiving foreign nationals as agents of influence would engender distrust, and deprive multiple scholars of potential cross-border opportunities.
All the paranoia is rooted in a fundamental misunderstanding of China. The accusations of intellectual property theft are an example of Western fear of a rising China, but also give rise to a false persuasion that decreasing access to education might keep China down.
According to a UN agency, China has made the biggest number of international patent applications for an eighth straight year.
A recent Boston Consulting Group study suggests that China has pulled ahead of the rest of the world in artificial intelligence implementation, with 85 per cent of Chinese companies active players in the field. Last year, China launched more rockets into orbit than any other nation. A quest to contain Beijing in education and science looks rather doomed.
If cooperation in education decreases, all sides stand to lose. Regardless of current or future political or economic conflicts, education should remain independent, focused on its original ideals of universal freedom of thought and societal improvement.
Dmitriy Frolovskiy is a political analyst and independent journalist. He is a consultant on policy and strategy, and has written about Russia’s foreign policy