As antagonism between Hong Kong protesters and police escalates, there’s still hope for healing the rift

While protesters must stop their inflammatory rhetoric, the police must revisit its protocol for handling mass protests, reflect on its belligerence towards protesters and use the opportunity to increase transparency

Brian Y. S. Wong

Published: 9:00am, 19 Jul 2019

Why you can trust SCMP

It pained me to watch videos of the violent confrontations between civilians and police in Sheung Shui and Sha Tin over the weekend, which left many from both sides injured. These events reflect a wider trend of escalating tensions between Hong Kong’s police force and citizens, one of the many collateral effects of the ongoing political crisis. The skirmishes only serve to exacerbate existing animosities between political groups, reinforcing the gulf between pan-democrat activists and the establishment.

Over the past weeks, frontline police officers have been caught in a perfect political storm for which few are directly responsible and yet many must bear the physical toll. The police leadership’s refusal to take action beyond superficial statements puts family members of police officers in a difficult position.

On the other hand, innocent people have been caught up in the recent altercations. Video footage suggests that non-violent protesters were exposed to disproportionate and unexpected violence. Allegations of brutality against the press and public have tarnished the reputation of the police force, once known as Asia’s finest.

The government’s official response has been twofold: one-sided outbursts of condemnation of the protesters, coupled with extended periods of silence between press conferences and official statements that few read and with which fewer can empathise. Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor said that she would not “sell out the police”, ostensibly putting an end to calls for an independent inquiry commission, which has been championed by diverse voices, from former chief justice Andrew Li Kwok-nang to former secretary for transport and housing Anthony Cheung Bing-leung to pan-democrat stalwarts and radical activists.

There are some protesters who engage in violence, and while their choice must be rejected as ineffective, we must ask serious questions about them beyond mere condemnation: What drove them to this? How could Hong Kong rehabilitate and reabsorb them into a political structure in which they see the promise of change? More importantly, who are we, as members of the public, to determine guilt when such tasks should be reserved for the courts and other just institutions?

As Lord Hewart, former chief justice of England, argued, “Not only must justice be done, it must also be seen to be done.” Even if existing institutions are in fact adequate to hold the police to account, this does not matter – a large proportion of Hong Kong’s public wants answers about the events of June 12 and subsequent weekends, and are sceptical of the Independent Police Complaints Council’s efficacy and impartiality.

The administration conflates boldness and integrity with obstinacy and inertia. Its continued refusal to address the deep roots of police-public mistrust – turning instead to continued demonisation of protesters and tokenistic condemnation of “excessive violence” – leaves the city fundamentally damaged. The refusal to establish an independent commission not only denies justice to victims of undue violence on both sides, including journalists and public servants, but also leads to further deterioration in police-public relations and squanders an opportunity to seriously reform the police force.

The only way tensions can de-escalate is if our police transforms its internal accountability mechanisms and how the force communicates with the public.

First, the police must revisit, widely publicise and invite open debate from experts and ordinary people alike on its protocol when handling well-attended mass rallies. A truth and reconciliation commission, following the footsteps of South Africa, Sierra Leone and South Korea, may be the gateway to grappling with the causes of the antagonism between the police and protesters and shedding light on prospective solutions.

A grand dialogue might heal divided Hong Kong – if we dare hold one

More importantly, a more communicative police force is likely to be one that better addresses the needs and concerns of the public and one that is restrained by both increased publicity and transparency. The flip side is that protesters ought to set aside inflammatory rhetoric which treats the police as a public enemy. Reconciliation calls for efforts from both sides.

Second, while episodes of alleged police brutality and protester violence must be investigated equally, the police force in particular ought to reflect on the increasingly abrasive turn in its attitude towards protesters. Videos of police officers verbally abusing protesters are widely available online; while the filmed few are by no means representative of the entire force, structural interventions are needed to prevent the further descent of our city into chaos.

Installing body cameras, including greater sensitivity training focusing on civil liberties into the mandatory police curriculum, and changes to the protocol on crowd management would greatly lower the risk of violent clashes.

Police officers use a water canon on a lone protester near the government headquarters at Tamar, Admiralty, on June 12. Photo: AFP

Above all, the administration must do more than merely voice empty words of support for the police and reprobation of its own citizens. Dividing protesters into the law-abiding and peaceful versus the illegal and riotous does little to heal wounds in society and help us move forward. The best way to stand up for the police force is not through blatantly dismissing all criticism but embracing it as a reminder of the work to be done.

We cannot move forward if we forget the past. Genuine de-escalation will not come when police and public alike feel that governmental policy does not take their interests and voices seriously. Transparency and accountability – through structural reforms and an independent commission – are necessary for Hong Kong to truly become a better city, a home once again for all.

Brian YS Wong is a Master of Philosophy student of politics (political theory) at Wolfson College, Oxford University

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