Opinion | Now in the grip of populist identity politics, we need more than economic solutions

When asked his view of the revolution in 1972, the late Chinese premier Zhou Enlai famously said it was too early to tell. It later transpired that the question was asked of the 1968 Paris student uprising instead. Still, the French-trained Zhou had been an active part of the Chinese students’ revolt in Lyon in 1921, and the Communist Party of China, which was born out of student protests, has a deep understanding of how protests work.

France celebrated Bastille Day this year with a show of military might, as if it was needed to deal with the “yellow vest” protests. Perhaps they remember the revolution’s violent history. During the Reign of Terror from 1793-94, many noblemen and “enemies of the people” were publicly tried and guillotined. Domestic order was restored only after Napoleon seized power and spent the next 20 years fighting Britain and the rest of monarchic Europe.

Is populism defined by economics or culture? Since the 2016 Brexit referendum, experts have sought to understand populism, the mass movement with anti-elite, authoritarian and often nationalist elements rooted in economic insecurity and identity politics.

If it is simply about economics, then Harvard professor Dani Rodrik thinks the right policies can deal with inequalities and regional imbalances. But if it is about culture and values, then there are fewer policy options and it is tougher to solve.