Why the West must learn from China, not try to change or destroy it
- Tensions stem from the fact China’s economic success and modernisation do not conform to beliefs derived from the evolution of Western modernisation
- If Western critics can be guided by a spirit of cooperation and engagement, there will be no need to fear a rising China
Time magazine’s cover on November 13, 2017 stated in both Chinese and English, “China Won.” Ian Bremmer wrote in the cover story that, “As recently as five years ago, there was consensus that China would one day need fundamental political reform for the state to maintain its legitimacy and that China could not sustain its state capitalist system. Today China’s political and economic system is better equipped and perhaps even more sustainable than the American model.”
In February, the 56th Munich Security Conference took place with a peculiar topic – “Westlessness”. It suggested a crisis of identity and existence in Western countries and a sense of uncertainty about the extent of the West’s global relevance in the age of a rising China and multipolar world order.
These beliefs assume several presumed causal relationships in which economic modernisation eventually leads a country into stages of secularisation, a plural society, political competition and electoral democracy.
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It is wrong to assume that authoritarian political systems and governance models are static by nature. On the contrary, China’s history since 1949 shows its party-state system has had to adapt to survive.
The Chinese system has a certain resilience after decades of learning and modifying. It is historically shaped and culturally unique, and is not meant to replace the Western model of liberal and electoral democracy. We should neither romanticise nor demonise the Chinese model.
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Does Westlessness also imply restlessness? Restlessness, here, refers to a sentiment of deep disappointment over the loss of a “West-like” China. It can also be called the “China syndrome”, characterised as a mixture of psychological anxiety and emphatic demonisation.
Will China be a destructive or constructive world power? A status quo or a revisionist one? A force for continuity or change? China has long been a source of fascination and opportunity, as well as uncertainties and disturbance for the US-led world order.
They tried to change China’s fundamental character but were themselves later changed and Sinicised. Those in the West must learn to deal with China’s rise outside the frameworks with which they are familiar and comfortable.
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How will the West meet the challenges ahead? Much of the answer can be found in Norwegian Foreign Minister Ine Eriksen Soreide’s remarks to the Leangkollen Security Conference in February. Her speech was titled, “The China Challenge: Remaking the Landscape of Transatlantic Security.”
She said: “We should not overestimate China’s influence on transatlantic cohesion. But nor should we underestimate its impact on international peace and security. Power shifts bring both opportunities and challenges …
“In line with its size and power, China will seek to shape international norms and institutions in its image, just as other great powers have done before it. And as a result of its economy, size, military power and technology, it will continue to evolve as a serious contender to US and Western power.”
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She added: “These and a range of other examples show the benefits of coexistence and cooperation with major rising powers. Inevitably, there will be competition, disagreement and also the potential for conflicts.
“But I firmly believe that vigilance and engagement within the framework of a strong multilateral system is the answer. Containment, confrontation and decoupling are not.”
If the West can be guided by this kind of spirit and mindset, Westlessness will be a false consciousness and there will be no need to feel restless.
Professor Li Xing is director of the Research Centre on Development and International Relations, Department of Politics and Society, at Aalborg University, Denmark