The political history of the 20th century in much of West Asia and North Africa can be told through a retelling of the consequences of great power rivalry. The carving up of the modern Middle East following World War I is a prime example of geopolitical competitions playing out on its territories. After the demise of the Soviet Union, the United States emerged as the primary, if not sole, global power. Yet at the start of the 21st century, America’s role in the region is changing. Under the administrations of both Barack Obama and Donald Trump, there were active efforts to disengage from the Middle East . The results are mixed, but they have meant that the US is no longer the primary global actor in the region. Today, as the world battles the Covid-19 pandemic , the US is also engaged in a game of competition with other powers, namely China and Russia. However, much of the Middle East does not want to pick sides, preferring to work with a number of countries like China on finding solutions. Twenty years ago, this would have been unthinkable. Covid-19 has expedited a trend that was already gathering pace. There’s no denying America wields major influence in the region. Economically, the singular role of the dollar ensures American influence is maintained. A number of currencies are pegged to it, while others like Iraq and Lebanon rely heavily on the US dollar for their economic activities. The US is also still the primary security guarantor in the Middle East. Despite efforts to reduce its military footprint, it remains the closest power with most Arab countries, particularly as Iran tries to impose its expansionist policies in the region. Lastly, American soft power among general Arab populations remains firm. Language, popular culture and historic familiarity continue to give the US an advantage in people-to-people relations. Yet the Chinese model of state capitalism is appealing to most Arab politicians. Economic liberalism decoupled from political liberalism is a model most governments in the region pursue, and in the past two decades the Chinese model has been lauded as a success. This is perhaps China’s strongest appeal to governments in the Middle East. With its Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing promoted a vision of interdependence reminiscent of times when trade routes came through the region. Although not all the countries of the region are within its specific plans, the logistical connections created affect several Middle Eastern countries. China’s advancing of enhanced trade ties was underlined by an increase in oil imports from the Middle East’s oil producers. In 2019, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased by 47 per cent. In June 2020, China’s crude oil imports from Saudi Arabia rose 15 per cent year on year. Furthermore, China’s handling of Covid-19 is seen as far superior to that of many Western liberal democracies. This has led to a greater appreciation of its capabilities, while the manner in which the US federal government handled the pandemic is at best incompetent. All these developments are being watched and noted in the Middle East. What US dollar rebound says about expected outcome of Trump-Biden contest Arab countries are aware of Sino-American competition and understand it will continue. However, countries in the region want to avoid becoming the stage where these tensions play out. A weak international system, lacking American leadership, is one of the region’s concerns, which have been heightened by the Covid-19 pandemic and the American response. With Trump withdrawing US support from the World Health Organization, blaming China for the pandemic and largely ignoring international cooperation, the US has abdicated its traditional role in leading efforts to meet an international crisis. The pandemic has brought to the fore key issues that have been brewing under the surface for years. Food security , economic diversification and developing home-grown talent have all been prioritised, especially among Gulf nations. Technological advances will be crucial, and both the US and China can offer knowledge transfer and technological solutions. Their battle over technological domination, from AI systems to social media platforms, is being closely watched. American concerns about Chinese technology , including Huawei, are understood but not necessarily accepted in the Arab world. State capitalism and blurred lines between the public- and private-sector ownership of companies is not deemed necessarily wrong in most regional capitals. How Trump’s Mideast accord will affect China’s arms sales in the region Moreover, 5G technology is seen as key to the development of tech hubs in the region and China is a clear leader. Huawei has signed 12 contracts for 5G in the region. The advancement of the tech sector across the world amid Covid-19 was mirrored in a number of countries in the region, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. They have witnessed a digital transformation, with schools taking up e-learning, tracing apps being adopted and new norms being set in teleworking. American technologies are not necessarily the only ones being considered. As countries in the region – particularly the two largest economies of Saudi Arabia and the UAE – navigate the next phase of Covid-19, they will be looking for partner nations. Economic diversification, foreign direct investment and technological advancement will be key. While China is open to partnerships, such as the one it developed with the UAE on the delivery of clinical trials for a vaccine, the US is visibly going its own way. That does not negate Arab interest in continuing historic partnerships with Washington, it just means other viable options exist. How China-Iran economic, security deal puts India in a quandary Coming out of a pandemic and global recession while having their own security challenges, Middle Eastern countries are looking to build their futures in a globalised system without the hang-ups of great power competition. Working on a “new normal”, vaccines, travel regulations and beyond, they cannot afford to continue waiting for the US to decide how it will engage. And so they will work to balance relations with both Washington and Beijing across an array of sectors and strategic interests. If forced to choose, it is no longer the case that Washington is the obvious choice. Mina Al-Oraibi is an Iraqi-British journalist and currently Editor-in-Chief of TheNationalNews.com, an English-language daily newspaper based in the UAE. This article is published in a content partnership with the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Covid New (Ab)Normal initiative