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China’s Premier Li Keqiang claps as Chinese Minister of Commerce Zhong Shan holds up the RCEP agreement during the signing ceremony on November 15. Photo: AFP/ Vietnam host broadcaster
Opinion
Anthony Rowley
Anthony Rowley

With the RCEP, China finally has a seat at the trade and policy table

  • As the dominant economy in the world’s largest trading bloc, China finally has institutional voice and a chance to establish its preferred rules and standards
It goes without saying that China’s attraction as a trade pole in Asia will increase relative to that of the United States with the launch of the China-including but (for now) US-excluding Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. But the real significance lies in the institutional voice the RCEP will give China.

It’s necessary to view the wider picture around the RCEP launch to understand how this “detail” fits into China’s overall designs. And that means looking back at events over the past decade or more, especially over the past five years.

China’s remarkable economic growth has not been matched by a commensurate increase in Beijing’s policy influence when it comes to determining the rules of the game in areas such as trade, finance and investment. This could change significantly with the launch of the RCEP.

The US was for long the “top dog” not only in terms of economic size but also in terms of institutional clout, and thus, a regional and international standards setter. The privilege this role confers is potentially enormous, yet perhaps not sufficiently well understood.

Access to markets – for goods or for investment and financial transaction – is one thing; creating the rules under which those markets operate is another. The ultimate advantage enjoyed by the US in this regard is the “exorbitant privilege” of issuing the world’s main international reserve currency.

The US has also exerted effective control over the world’s leading multilateral institutions (many of which it was instrumental in creating) including the Bretton Woods twins – the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank – regional development banks such as the Asian Development Bank, plus the World Trade Organisation, World Health Organisation and so on.

China has managed to secure increased voting rights or “quotas” in some of these policy-setting institutions and also senior administrative positions, although not the top positions in multilateral development banks in the UN family. This gave rise to frustration among some in Beijing.
When the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was launched officially at the start of 2016, it was seen chiefly outside China as a captive source of funds for the Belt and Road Initiative, although AIIB president Jin Liqun has repeatedly stressed the bank’s independence in this regard.

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Chinese company finishes longest tunnel for Indonesia's Jakarta-Bandung high-speed railway

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What was not widely appreciated at that time was the role that the AIIB was envisaged to play in giving China presence and “voice” in international financial affairs, as professor of economics Xing Yuqing at the National Graduate Institute of Policy Studies in Tokyo put it.

The AIIB has since maintained quite a low profile while seeking to build a reputation for sound management. Yet its status as an international financial institution gives it standing and enables it to attract foreign talent that will further aid China’s emergence in international financial policymaking.

It could help China build an IMF-like institution later, which would further transfer policymaking initiatives from Washington to Asia.

Will Asian economic integration take root under China’s AIIB?

But in the area of trade policymaking, China lacked such voice. It became a WTO member in 2001 but the organisation has seen its influence wane as multilateral trade negotiations ceded priority to regional arrangements among Western powers.

US ability to dictate regional trade rules for the Asia-Pacific appeared to be firmly cemented at the start of 2016 when the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was formally signed under former president Barack Obama. China’s aim to gain greater influence appeared to have been thwarted.

The TPP – a highly political and overambitious venture – was faulty from the start and when Donald Trump abruptly pulled the US out of the 11-nation forum at the beginning of 2017 it was for all the wrong reasons: first because he wanted “America first” bilateral trade deals, and secondly because the TPP was Obama’s legacy.
One of the first things Trump did as president was to sign an executive order on January 23, 2017, withdrawing the US from the TPP. Photo: AFP
China has backed the RCEP right from the inception of the idea in 2012 as a non-US-led and essentially “Asian” agreement, which was supposed to include both China and India, and which was far less demanding in its terms of membership than the TPP.

That strategy has paid off, partly thanks to Trump’s short-sighted impetuousness, but really because Beijing was right in understanding that Asia was not ready (let alone desirous of) a TPP-type deal which required strict conformity with US-style market-economy ideology.

RCEP signing shows Asian nations taking their place in world order

Likewise, China was right in thinking when it launched the AIIB that many Asian countries were no longer enamoured of the many policy prescriptions and prohibitions that came as a condition of borrowing from the World Bank and similar regional development banks that exist within the UN system.

As Hung Tran, a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank in Washington observes: “The RCEP’s main winner will be China, which has secured a dominant position in one of the world’s most dynamic economic regions, giving Beijing the opportunity to establish its preferred rules and standards, and providing a major advantage for its companies to exploit these valuable markets.

“The United States, on the other hand, sets to lose out from sitting on the sidelines, as its attempts to reshore US manufacturing and promote Western-backed trade rules could be dented by the new trade agreement.”

That encapsulates the situation rather well.

Anthony Rowley is a veteran journalist specialising in Asian economic and financial affairs

This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: China wields clout in setting trade policy with RCEP launch
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