The Sino-British relationship needs more pragmatic engagement, not less

Beijing and London have in the past built a relationship guided by a more realistic understanding of their differences in values, and must do so again
Distrust is impeding cooperation on issues of common interest, and is detrimental to Britain’s efforts, post Brexit, to navigate a global economy in which China is a central player

Kerry BrownandEvan Fowler

Published: 3:45pm, 15 Dec 2020

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In the past 18 months, relations between Britain and China have taken a turn for the worse. The “golden age” heralded during President Xi Jinping’s state visit in 2015 may have been wishful thinking, but it would equally be a mistake to seek an overcorrection.

While accepting that there are legitimate concerns and points of critical difference, both the UK and China should not overlook the many positives that remain in what is an important relationship for both, from economic links to climate change – especially when both probably have more tangible reasons than ever to talk to each other.

With the UK outside the EU, it is hard to envision “Global Britain” without increased engagement with China. The UK government is rightly committed to a pivot to Asia, which continues to look set to be the driver of economic growth in the near future. China seems already to be emerging from the Covid-19 economic recession, making it even likelier to sit at the heart of Asia.

A greater engagement in its sphere of influence would require, if not a more cordial, then a deeper and more nuanced relationship, especially if the UK is to successfully build and leverage its connections with regional hubs, in particular Singapore and Hong Kong.

People take a break in view of cranes at the port of Felixstowe on December 12. Faced with the threat of a chaotic “no deal” departure from the EU, Britain must make good on its commitment to pivot to Asia. Photo: AFP

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has described himself as a Sinophile. His government is instinctively pragmatic and is not as yet guided by a strategic China policy – it remains, to a significant degree, a relationship shaped by economic interest. This should suit Beijing.

Yet Beijing is struggling. The Chinese response to Covid-19 has highlighted both the strengths and weaknesses of its system of government. Its competence in controlling the outbreak does not detract from its early failures in transparency as the crisis started.

Some of China’s actions and the tone of its recent diplomacy have also left many in the UK and Europe with an understandably negative view. China is gaining in importance, but facing increased suspicion and distrust. That is in no one’s interests.

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We have to remember that whatever the current travails, Britain and China have always been pragmatic in their relationship with each other. Provided that each side does not feel obliged to turn a blind eye to areas of difference, and continues to feel free to speak up on issues of concern, this is not a bad thing. A pragmatic relationship need not be weak, nor mean compromising security and values.

Britain was the first Western country to recognise the People’s Republic of China (in 1950), and to establish full diplomatic ties with Beijing (in 1972). John Major, as UK prime minister, was the first world leader to visit Beijing when it was in the diplomatic cold after the Tiananmen massacres in 1989.

The UK then, along with the US, made the case for China’s membership of the World Trade Organization. More recently, the UK was happy to be framed as China’s “best partner in the West” and was the first G7 country to join the Chinese-founded Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, in 2015, despite US displeasure.

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So, what has gone wrong now? The principal points of contention relate to Beijing’s response to internal dissent in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, and London’s decision to exclude Huawei from the UK’s critical infrastructure.

The problem for the Chinese message in Britain is that it can all too easily be misinterpreted. There is a lack of objective and trusted voices. Official statements are unlikely to go far with a public that is intrinsically distrustful of officialdom. This is exacerbated by sharp differences in political culture, language and tone.

There is also the danger that China will misconstrue the position of the UK. Issues like Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Taiwan and the South China Sea, which are for China issues of sovereignty, are understood by Britain as important issues of international law and human rights. China may view the UK as relentlessly critical and too beholden to the US.

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British people and decision-makers may lose sight of the huge common human interests that link and will always link both countries – the crucial work that needs to be done, for instance, on climate change, where the Xi administration, as its declaration at the United Nations in September made clear, is an ally.

Resetting a more realistic and balanced narrative cannot be achieved by Britain or China on their own. The two countries need to be realistic about each other, and not fall into the trap of trying to deal with partners they wish for rather than the ones that actually exist. There is a danger at the moment that too strong a focus on an ideal will limit what is achievable.

While others have tended to look at China with a view to shaping it in ways that suit them, the UK has always taken a more pragmatic view. We need to see it come back soon, and engagement is the best way to make sure that’s what happens.

Kerry Brown is a former British diplomat in Beijing, professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College, London. Evan Fowler, a Hongkonger, is an independent researcher on Hong Kong and China affairs, and an associate fellow at the Henry Jackson Society (UK)

This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: Sino-British relations need more pragmatic engagement