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Members of the far-right group Proud Boys and other supporters of Donald Trump gather in front of the US Capitol Building to protest against the certification of the 2020 US presidential election results by Congress on January 6. Photo: Reuters
Opinion
Opinion
by Prashant Waikar
Opinion
by Prashant Waikar

In the wake of Capitol riots and Trump’s exit, who will galvanise America’s alt-right?

  • The disparate anti-establishment groups unified only by their hatred of the left were whipped into a force by Trump’s rallying cry of ‘Make America Great Again’
  • The fallout from the Capitol attacks has divided two of the main groups. Republicans who want their support may well have to recreate a version of Trump come 2024
The mob that stormed the US Capitol on January 6 once again put the American alternative-right (alt-right) on the radar. They have been staunch supporters of former president Donald Trump who, in turn, has been accused of inciting the alt-right to attack the Capitol and overturn the 2020 election result.

The alt-right is a conglomerate of far-right groups, white supremacists and an assortment of conspiracy buffs. The movement believes the structural landscape of American institutions has shifted to the left. The government, media, universities, corporations and, more recently, tech companies are considered to be upholding varying levels of socialism, Marxism and communism.

Simply put, the alt-right is anti-establishment. Because of their disdain for authority, they have never had a unitary structure or a single leader. However, Trump was an exception. Notionally a political outsider, he legitimised the alt-right’s paranoia, and presented himself as their bannerman. But with Trump’s exit, there appear to be splits in how the movement ought to move forward politically.

QAnon is a conspiracy movement that spread across forums such as 4chan and Reddit, and many social media platforms. They are notorious for believing that some of the most famous liberal personalities in business, politics and entertainment are satanic paedophiles who run a global child-sex-trafficking ring. They also claim that Trump has been locked in a battle to take down the devil-worshipping network.
Supporters of Donald Trump, including Jake Angeli (centre), a QAnon supporter, enter the Capitol in Washington, DC on January 6. Photo: AFP

The Federal Bureau of Investigation reportedly considers QAnon a domestic terrorism threat. As the FBI began charging rioters at the US Capitol, QAnon was among those claiming the entire uprising was staged; the peaceful pro-Trump rally was infiltrated by “radical leftists” from the Black Lives Matter movement and Antifa. The latter is an anti-fascist movement as loosely structured as the alt-right.

QAnon thinks Trump has been repeatedly wronged. Its followers see him as a hero who was doing his best to prevent Joe Biden’s inauguration and defeat the paedophile ring. Even when Trump promised a smooth handover, QAnon saw it as a feint and claimed it was part of some long game Trump was playing. What that may be is anyone’s guess. But it is clear that their faith in Trump is unwavering.

Chaos at the US Capitol was a Trumpian farce, with shades of Mao

For this reason, some of Trump‘s allies in Congress have identified with QAnon conspiracies. Even though many Republicans have criticised Trump for his alleged role in the riots, 147 Senators and Congress Representatives still voted, after the attacks, to overturn the election results. If Trump were to endorse one of these 147 as his heir apparent, QAnon could gravitate accordingly.

The Proud Boys is a White nationalist militia that came under the spotlight internationally when Trump infamously told them to “stand back and stand by” during his debate with Biden. The group tends to hit out when it feels betrayed.

01:09

‘Proud Boys’ joined pro-Trump protest outside Las Vegas vote counting facility

‘Proud Boys’ joined pro-Trump protest outside Las Vegas vote counting facility
As some Republican leaders began to recognise the legitimacy of the 2020 elections, the Proud Boys lambasted them as traitors. On Trump’s cue, they also denounced former vice-president Mike Pence for not unilaterally overturning the results.

At the risk of stating the obvious, the Proud Boys take immense pride in the Capitol Hill attack, seeing it as a justified rebellion against a rigged election. And for this reason, they despise QAnon. For one, the Proud Boys think it to be ridiculous for anyone to deny that Trump supporters mobbed the US Capitol. To them, it was important to unabashedly take ownership of the event.

In the past, the Proud Boys have even called for QAnon propaganda to be purged from the internet. Recently, they were in a celebratory mood when Twitter suspended 70,000 QAnon-linked accounts.

Simply put, the Proud Boys have disavowed one of Trump’s largest networks of hardcore loyalists. But even more revealing is their fury at Trump’s statement that all who rioted would face the full force of the law.

01:35

US President Donald Trump condemns violence at the US Capitol

US President Donald Trump condemns violence at the US Capitol

The Proud Boys saw this as high treason, and called Trump a “coward” and “extraordinarily weak for betraying the very people he whipped into a frenzy. Believing they have been played, the Proud Boys are now on the lookout for a leader they can endorse as a true nationalist.

Prominent commentators like Tomi Lahren are the face of a third segment in the alt-right. They have cautiously distanced themselves from the violence, voiced their gratitude to Trump, but also emphasised the need to move on, for “Make America Great Again” to become a post-Trump nationalist movement.

Whereas the Proud Boys and QAnon represent different forms of radicalism that mainstream Republicans would struggle to co-opt, the third segment may still somewhat resemble the Republican core.

Yet, Trump’s 2016 victory – and, indeed, his better-than-anticipated showing in 2020 – relied on his ability to galvanise a criss-cross of groups in the alt-right. This would suggest that the Republicans may be forced to recreate a version of Trump come 2024. But, this time, they would be hoping he, or she, is someone whose volatile impulses can be reined in.

Prashant Waikar is a senior analyst at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

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