Advertisement
Advertisement
Illustration: Craig Stephens
Opinion
Keyu Jin
Keyu Jin

With common prosperity, China can avoid the excesses of unrestrained Western-style capitalism

  • China and the West face similar challenges – widening income disparities, powerful Big Tech firms and deepening societal divides
  • The difference is that China is tackling them head-on as it transforms into a modern socialist economy
The year 2021 marked a new paradigm for the Chinese economy. China is shifting from a model championing gross domestic product growth above all, to one emphasising efficiency, consumer welfare and protection, climate-change mitigation and environmental protection.
Chinese companies’ growth will be less unbridled, and more regulated and monitored. The goal of building a global manufacturing powerhouse has evolved into the pursuit of techno-nationalism. China’s leaders believe their country is on the verge of a transformation into a truly “modern socialist economy”.

China is not alone. Despite bilateral tensions, China and the West face similar challenges. Both confront increasing income disparities, the boundless growth of Big Tech firms, and a deepening divide between elites and the grass roots. But, unlike the rest of the world, China has decided to tackle these issues head on.

Over the course of the year, the Chinese government took numerous major steps to regulate and discipline leading corporations, from consumer-facing platform companies to education firms. The grounds were antitrust, data security and social equality – sometimes all three at once.
Even as these sweeping moves generated much overwrought commentary in the international press, they merely scratched the surface of the deeper transformation. The changes represent a “coming of age” for the Chinese economy, signalling that people matter more than aggregate numbers.

05:27

‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’ explained

‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’ explained
Under the new rubric of “common prosperity”, the official goal for the coming decade is to create conditions for the growth of a large, prosperous middle class, better opportunities for everyone, and more “empathetic” behaviour from Chinese companies.
The unrestrained Western-style capitalism that resulted in a “middle-class squeeze” is to be avoided in favour of a more “olive-shaped” income structure.

Forty years ago, Deng Xiaoping lifted the ideological taboo on individual profit-seeking to allow some to get rich first, and then let the rising tide lift all boats. Today’s Chinese leadership believes it is time to let the tide come in.

Covid-19 has laid bare the inequality between haves and have-nots. Big Tech companies have grown even bigger and more powerful during the pandemic.

Inscrutable? China’s crackdown on tech barons is not madness but method

China’s push for greater regulatory oversight is not motivated by a desire to crack down indiscriminately on the private sector, cut billionaires down to size, or limit Chinese companies’ international access.

Common prosperity is linked to the broader goal of social harmony. One of the greatest ironies is the hyper-competition in education, which has left parents anxious and children miserable. Now that most Chinese have fully embraced the digital life, there is also growing concern about the misuse of personal data.

Moreover, Chinese tech giants have shown scant concern for employees’ welfare, leading to a loss of motivation among overworked young people who had hoped to build a family and are instead “lying flat”.

03:19

China’s delivery drivers pushed to the brink by food app algorithms

China’s delivery drivers pushed to the brink by food app algorithms

China’s authorities have recognised the social tensions and vulnerabilities that come with unchecked market-driven growth. While the failures and inequities are not unique to China, the Chinese approach to tackling these problems is different from most.

For starters, responses are often swifter and more dramatic. In contrast, US policymakers have done almost nothing to rein in Facebook, for example, despite serial revelations of its questionable practices and deep societal problems caused.

A second difference is that China is unlikely to adopt the kind of large welfare state found in some European countries. The country prizes hard work as a national and traditional virtue.

02:40

Millions of Chinese millennials become ‘new farmers’ to look for the meaning of life

Millions of Chinese millennials become ‘new farmers’ to look for the meaning of life

And, unlike in the United States, the top 1 per cent are not castigated, even if some individual shaming (or worse, where lawbreaking is involved) plays a role. Chinese leaders want to eliminate only unfair sources of inequality, such as entry barriers, excessive monopoly powers and legal loopholes that enable illegitimate income.

A convenient critique is that China’s efforts to regulate companies and limit their growth ambitions will kill the incentive to innovate. But this ignores the fact that Chinese entrepreneurship is driven by more than monetary reward. To become important through a committed career or a major contribution to society is a way to “glorify one’s ancestors”.

Moreover, for every unhappy billionaire who needs to be “persuaded” to contribute more philanthropically, there are many more happy millionaires who genuinely welcome new regulations on big firms’ size and scope, as these will improve their own chances of becoming billionaires.

02:26

Singles’ Day 2021 in China shifts focus from consumerism to social responsibility

Singles’ Day 2021 in China shifts focus from consumerism to social responsibility

China’s road ahead is fraught with challenges. No country of similar size has fostered a political economy both equitable and capable of fully harnessing innovation and efficiency. There are risks associated not only with deglobalisation but also with a continuation of globalisation that excludes China.

Another big risk is that policies designed to transform the investment climate and business environment will make matters worse or amount to overkill. An even more consequential risk is that ideology will take precedence over prudent economic management. But this is unlikely to happen.

Fortunately, the past year also brought many market-friendly developments, from BlackRock launching its first China fund to Hong Kong’s stock exchange cleared to offer A-share futures. Foreign players are gearing up to expand the scope of foreign-funded institutional investments in China, proving that greater economic liberalisation can coexist with stricter regulatory oversight.
China has also strengthened its climate commitments and announced that it will halt external financing of coal-fired power generation. The People’s Bank of China, local governments and financial institutions have pledged to support smaller companies, and regulators have published a green-bond taxonomy.

Like many other countries, China will have to be mindful of near-term cyclical issues in the coming year, including the slow recovery from the pandemic, increasing indebtedness and default risk, more frequent natural disasters, and subdued investment and consumption.

But beneath the natural ebb and flow of market economies, the country will be moving towards greater equanimity, tolerating lower growth rates with an emphasis on quality, and greater cyclical volatility. Most Chinese will regard the sacrifices made to achieve common prosperity as both necessary and wise.

Keyu Jin, Associate Professor of Economics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, is a World Economic Forum Young Global Leader. Copyright: Project Syndicate
24