After CCTV footage of a group of men brutally attacking women in a restaurant in Tangshan went viral last month, all eyes were on China’s authorities, expecting an answer. The video sparked a wave of public anger and discussions about the systemic violence against women in China. Many expected that this time, given the extreme violence, irrefutable evidence and viral nature of the footage, something would have to change. But instead, the Supreme Court honed in on gang activity and organised crime . Although it briefly mentioned women when it condemned “cruel assaults against women, children and the elderly”, the court only told judges to focus on murders, organised crime, robberies and crimes that involved guns or explosives. Frauds and scams targeting the elderly were also highlighted, but violence against women was never specifically mentioned. It has been more than a month since the attack. Since then, there has been more than enough time for Tangshan – and China as a whole – to take longer-term action to protect women from abuse. Some changes have been made. Tangshan was stripped of its honorary “civilised” status, given to Chinese cities of “good social order”. Hebei province launched a disciplinary review into Tangshan’s police force, a deputy police chief was fired and night patrols in the city were increased. But none of this tackles violence against women. This is disturbing as crimes against women are endemic across China. In September 2020, Tibetan influencer Lhamo was murdered by her ex-husband on a live stream. In November 2021, Peng Shuai , one of China’s top tennis players, created an uproar when she accused former vice-premier Zhang Gaoli of forcing her into having sex, though she later walked back on the accusation. In January this year, a mother of eight who was chained by her neck in a hut in Xuzhou, Jiangsu province, was discovered by a passing vlogger. And in June, there was the incident in Tangshan. Of course, violence against women exists worldwide. What is shocking is the way Chinese authorities have consistently refused to tackle crimes against women as a systemic issue. In Lhamo’s case, police said her abuse was a private family matter. Peng disappeared for two weeks after her accusations were censored online. In Jiangsu, local officials initially dismissed the idea the chained woman could have been a victim of human trafficking, only backtracking when faced with intense public pressure. In Tangshan, a report found the police handling of the case was “slow and improper”. Man filmed violently attacking a woman avoids charges after writing sorry note In an already hostile environment, Beijing’s intolerance for activism or grass roots organisations means Chinese women also have to contend with an intense crackdown on any feminist activity. In April, the Communist Youth League of China posted on Weibo that “ extreme feminism has become a malignant tumour on the internet”. The Global Times , a mainland nationalist newspaper, called the # MeToo movement “a political tool” to subvert the Chinese government “under the guise of protecting women’s rights”. China’s constitution guarantees women “equal rights with men in all spheres of life”, but the country lags behind most of the world in gender equality. According to the World Economic Forum’s Gender Parity Index, China fell from 63rd out of 115 countries in 2006 to 103rd out of 149 in 2018. The #MeToo hashtag is to this day consistently censored on Chinese social media , limiting any conversation about women’s rights and equality. The attack in Tangshan was yet another opportunity for China to take the violence against women in the country seriously. Yet again, though, we have yet to see any action – or even acknowledgement – that there is a systemic problem. Unsupported by authorities and the law, Chinese women will have to fend for themselves. Many already are turning to self-defence classes . The day after the Tangshan attack, searches for “women’s self-defence” increased sevenfold, according to the Baidu Index. It is a band-aid on a bullet wound. Danai Howard is a production editor at the Post. Lunar is a Post initiative that highlights key issues related to women and gender equality in Asia